BAMCEF UNIFICATION CONFERENCE 7

Published on 10 Mar 2013 ALL INDIA BAMCEF UNIFICATION CONFERENCE HELD AT Dr.B. R. AMBEDKAR BHAVAN,DADAR,MUMBAI ON 2ND AND 3RD MARCH 2013. Mr.PALASH BISWAS (JOURNALIST -KOLKATA) DELIVERING HER SPEECH. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oLL-n6MrcoM http://youtu.be/oLL-n6MrcoM

Wednesday, July 1, 2015

Inter-caste marriage triggers riots, 9 arrested-Dalits Media Watch-News Updates 01.07.15

Inter-caste marriage triggers riots, 9 arrested- The Times Of India

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/coimbatore/Inter-caste-marriage-triggers-riots-9-arrested/articleshow/47888735.cms

Fearing security withdrawal, MirchpurDalits in exit mode- The Tribune

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/haryana/fearing-security-withdrawal-mirchpur-dalits-in-exit-mode/100954.html

Action sought against Dingaleshwar Swami- The Hindu

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/action-sought-against-dingaleshwar-swami/article7372948.ece

An opportunity that slipped away- The Hindu

HTTP://WWW.THEHINDU.COM/TODAYS-PAPER/TP-NATIONAL/TP-ANDHRAPRADESH/AN-OPPORTUNITY-THAT-SLIPPED-AWAY/ARTICLE7373007.ECE

Issue copy of dalit engineer's autopsy report to kin, says Madras HC- The Times Of India

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/Issue-copy-of-dalit-engineers-autopsy-report-to-kin-says-Madras-HC/articleshow/47889084.cms

AUCTION OF PANCHAYAT LAND- Dalits, landless labourers up in arms- The Tribune

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/jalandhar/dalits-landless-labourers-up-in-arms/100792.html

Nitish denied scholarship to SC/ST students: Sushil Kumar Modi- The Times Of India

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Nitish-denied-scholarship-to-SC/ST-students-Sushil-Kumar-Modi/articleshow/47888810.cms

Bihar cabinet decisions: 50% quota in govt contract approved- The Times Of India

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Bihar-cabinet-decisions-50-quota-in-govt-contract-approved/articleshow/47888850.cms

The stark inequality within Indian cities- Live Mint

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/TW5pRMYNKXDWxnPr6wsNBN/The-stark-inequality-within-Indian-cities.html

Dalit Christians in India file complaint with UN against the Vatican- UCA News

http://www.ucanews.com/news/dalit-christians-in-india-file-complaint-with-un-against-the-vatican/73861

Elavarasan's death anniversary: Section 144 imposed in three revenue divisions of Dharmapuri district- The Times Of India

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/Elavarasans-death-anniversary-Section-144-imposed-in-three-revenue-divisions-of-Dharmapuri-district/articleshow/47890371.cms

Cops Nab Four in Gokulraj's Death Case- The New Indian Express

http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/tamil_nadu/Cops-Nab-Four-in-Gokulrajs-Death-Case/2015/07/01/article2895839.ece

Autopsy report on Dalit youth to help probe- The Hindu

http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/chennai/autopsy-report-on-dalit-youth-to-help-probe/article7372693.ece

Understanding Dalit Women- The New Indian Express

http://www.newindianexpress.com/cities/chennai/Understanding-Dalit-Women/2015/07/01/article2895121.ece

Selfless work by Dalits recalled- The Hindu

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/selfless-work-by-dalits-recalled/article7372845.ece

NAPM condemns arrest of All India Union of Forest Working People activists by UP Police - Meri News

http://www.merinews.com/article/napm-condemns-arrest-of-all-india-union-of-forest-working-people-activists-by-up-police/15907566.shtml




Please Watch :

Ravi Kumar Speaks about the condition of Dalit NGO's

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5sOdfN5cUWE



Note: Please find attachment for DMW Hindi (PDF)




The Times Of India

Inter-caste marriage triggers riots, 9 arrested

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/coimbatore/Inter-caste-marriage-triggers-riots-9-arrested/articleshow/47888735.cms

 

SALEM: A group of vanniyars ransacked houses belonging to dalits in Somampatty after a vanniyar girl married a dalit man on Monday midnight. The gang also hurled petrol filled bottles at the houses. One person was injured in the attack and was admitted to the government hospital in Vazhapadi. Police arrested nine people in connection with the issue on Tuesday.


P Saravanan, 29, of AdiDravidar colony in Somampatty village near Vazhapadi, was in a relationship with M VanniyaPriya, 25, of Vilaripalayam near Somampatty. , who works as a teacher in a private school. The girl's father Madeswaran, is PattaliMakkalKatchi (PMK) Salem south district's auto trade union as well as a panchayat member from ward 5 of Vilaripalayampanchayat.


The couple married on March 3, 2014, without informing their parents, but continued living with their parents.

 

Few months later, Priya's parents started looking for a groom, following which she informed Saravanan. He returned to Salem.


On Monday he approached Karipatty police for protection, as they feared their relatives would kill them if they came to know about the marriage.


Karipatty police held talks with the couple's parents on Monday, but the talks didn't yield any results. The peace talk went on until late evening. But, Priya was stick on her decision and she informed police that she will stay back with Saravanan.


The couple was sent to Somampatty under police protection.


Around 12am a mob entered Somampatti village with petrol filled bottles. Police who were on protection duty to Saravanan and Priya tried their best to stop the mob but their attempts went futile.


The mob ransacked the houses as well as vehicles parked in the colony. "They hurled petrol filled bottles on the houses," the police said. The added that S Arumugam, 40, of Somampatty, was injured in the incident and was admitted to the government hospital in Vazhapadi.


The mob damaged more than eight houses and two vehicles, before fleeing from the spot. including an auto partially gutted.


Salem district SP G Subbulakshmi rushed to the spot and initiated the inquiries.


More than 200 police personnel have now been stationed at the villages including Somampatty, Mottur and Vilaripalayam to prevent any untoward incidents. Salem range DIG Vidya D Kulkarni visited the spot and ordered the personnel to monitor the situation. The Vazhapadi police have shifted the couple to a safe house.


Vazhapadi police registered a case and have arrested N Pannerselvam, 25, A Kumar, 35, M Sudhakar, 30, J Nataraj, 27, J Kannan, 19, P Govindan, 20, V Chandran, 42, P Angamuthu, 33 and A Semmalai, 45, on Tuesday morning. "We have launched a search for 20 others involved in the mob," Vazhapadi police said.

 

Meanwhile on Tuesday, workers from ViduthalaiChiruthaigalKatchi and Communist Party of India visited the village and consoled the victims.

 

The Tribune

Fearing security withdrawal, MirchpurDalits in exit mode

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/haryana/fearing-security-withdrawal-mirchpur-dalits-in-exit-mode/100954.html

 

DeependerDeswal

Tribune News Service, Hisar, June 30

 

Mirchpur  Dalits continue to live in fear. On Tuesday. fearing  withdrawal of paramilitary forces from the village, nearly 20 Dalit families left their homes for Tanwar farmhouse. Nearly 25 families have been camping at the farmhouse for four years.

 

The village had witnessed caste violence about five years ago. Two Dalits — an elderly man and his teenage daughter — were burnt by upper-caste Jats following a clash.

 

"The families, travelling in three vehicles, have taken their valuables and other household items with them. Some of them are walking on foot," Birbhan Kumar told The Tribune. 

 

He further said Dalits learnt that the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) was ready to leave the village by tomorrow morning (Wednesday). "We cannot stay in the village without the security cover, as we fear attack from Jats. We were told the Rapid Action Force (RAF) of the Haryana Police will replace the CRPF. We went to a police post in the village, but got no assurance."

 

Anil Kumar Rao, Inspector General of Police (IGP), Hisar range, said the CRPF was still deployed in the village. "There has been no order to withdraw the CRPF from Mirchpur. A final decision will be taken tomorrow," he said.

 

The district administration had recently formed a village-level committee, a vigilance committee and a district committee to keep tabs on the situation in Mirchpur. 

 

A member of a peace committee, Chander Prakash, claimed the situation was normal in Mirchpur since the 2010 violence. "Dalits have started their lives anew. They have been working in the fields of Jats."

 

Additional Chief Secretary (Home) PK Mahapatra called a meeting of all Deputy Commissioners today in Chandigarh regarding the implementation of safety measures of Dalits, in general, and on the Mirchpur issue, in general. Hisar DC ChanderShekharKhare apprised Mahapatra about the situation in the village.

 

The Hindu

Action sought against Dingaleshwar Swami

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/action-sought-against-dingaleshwar-swami/article7372948.ece

 

The Balehosur Dalit DourjanyaVirodhiOkkoota has urged the Chief Minister to take steps against the accused in the case related to the group clash at Balehosur village in Shirahattitaluk of Gadag district, in which a Dalit was killed. The samiticriticised the delay in arresting Sri Dingaleshwar Swami who has been named as the main accused.

 

Conveners of the okkuta, BasavarajSulebhavi, L. Narayanaswamy, RamachandraHamsanur, SunandaKadame and AnanthKattimani told presspersons here on Tuesday that the clash, which took the life of MahanthappaHanumanthappaGudageri, was the result of police failure.

 

Mr. Sulebhavi said that instead of taking steps against those who attacked members of the Ghantichor community, the police were targeting them. He alleged that the attack was carried out at the behest of Sri Dingaleshwari Swami.

 

"The seer of Balehosur Mutt, Sri Dingaleshwar Swami aliasBommalingaiahViraiahHiremath, is unfit to head the mutt, which propagates the ideals and ideas of Basavanna. There are several cases against the swami who is using the façade of religion to protect himself.

 

In fact, his continuation as the seer of the mutt is a disgrace to all Lingayats, who believe in equality," Mr. Sulebhavi said.

 

He said there was an undeclared social boycott on the community members in the village because they chose to raise their voice against the atrocities of the swami.

 

Mr. Sulebhavi urged Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to handover the case to an independent judicial commission and take action against the Deputy Commissioner and the Superintendent of Police of Gadag district holding them responsible for the atrocities against Dalits.

 

The okkoota would also demand action against district-in-charge minister H.K. Patil who had not visited the village to console the family of Gudageri, he added.

 

Mr. Kattimani, a lawyer, whose family members have been named as accused in a counter complaint filed later, said his family members were forced to go out of the village as the police were behaving like agents of the attackers.

 

Balehosur Dalit DourjanyaVirodhiOkkoota says there is an undeclared social boycott on the Ghantichor community in Balehosur

 

The Hindu

An opportunity that slipped away

HTTP://WWW.THEHINDU.COM/TODAYS-PAPER/TP-NATIONAL/TP-ANDHRAPRADESH/AN-OPPORTUNITY-THAT-SLIPPED-AWAY/ARTICLE7373007.ECE

 

SWATHI V.

 

Many Dalit and rural research scholars could not apply for a study tour to the US and the UK as they could not get passport in a short period

 

Dr. Ambedkar Foundation's first ever study tour to the UK and the USA as announced by the University Grants Commission stood as a lost opportunity for many research scholars the very day it was notified.

 

Lack of passport proved to be the proverbial slip between the cup and the lip for them, as the period between the notification and the deadline was less than three weeks.

 

The notification for the study tour was released and put on the UGC website on June 11. It invited applications for a study tour for 100 scholars, 50 of them to be sent to London School of Economics, and the rest to the Columbia University, USA.

 

To qualify, the candidates are to be graduates and doing research or to have published works on the philosophy of Dr. Ambedkar or in the subjects closely related to social justice. Maximum income of the participants, including that of their parents, should not exceed Rs. 4.5 lakh per annum.

 

However, the condition that a participant should have a valid Indian passport became the sticking point for many aspirants, as the deadline for the applications was June 30.

 

"How can we obtain a passport in such a short time? Even to apply under Tatkal, I would require the signature of a senior bureaucrat. I made futile attempts going to the police commissionerate carrying my application, but was told to follow the the set procedure," said Prameela K.P, a Dalit research scholar from the University of Hyderabad.

 

She later applied for student passport, and attached a hard copy of the application, hoping against the hope that it would be considered.

 

"We can't even send the application online, as the notification seeks hard copy. I had forgone many opportunities earlier for paper presentations abroad, as the expenditure for travel and stay would be beyond my means. Had there been enough time for obtaining passport, this would have been a great opportunity for me," she says.

 

Shynu V.C., another research scholar from Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, contends that the short duration deprived many Dalit and rural scholars of the once-in-a-lifetime chance, while offering the same for elite scholars.

 

"This was totally out of the blue. Many of us from rural and Dalit backgrounds would not imagine something like this would come our way, hence never obtained passport. They should have allowed us time to obtain passport after application," Mr. Shynu said.

 

Many of us would not imagine something like this would come our way, hence never obtained passport. We should have been allowed to obtain passport after applying.–Shynu V.C., Research scholar

 

Many Dalit and rural research scholars could not apply for a study tour to the US and the UK as they could not getpassport in time.

 

The Times Of India

Issue copy of dalit engineer's autopsy report to kin, says Madras HC

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/Issue-copy-of-dalit-engineers-autopsy-report-to-kin-says-Madras-HC/articleshow/47889084.cms

 

TNN | Jul 1, 2015, 05.00 AM IST

 

CHENNAI: The second autopsy case relating to the mysterious death of a Dalit engineer, Gokulraj, 23, who was found dead on railway track in Namakkal earlier this week, came to an end in Madras high court with the court asking its registrar-general to furnish a copy of the autopsy report to the victim's kin. 


A division bench of Justice S Tamilvanan and Justice C T Selvam had ordered re-post-mortem by an order on Friday, and also constituted a three-member team of doctors to do re-autopsy on Gokulraj's body. As requested by counsel for the boy's kin, the court appointed P Sampath Kumar, head of department of forensic department at Sri Ramachandra Medical College, as a member. 


The team completed the re-post-mortem and submitted its report in a sealed cover to the registrar-general of the high court on Monday 


The victim's kin and their counsel allege that Gokulraj's death was a case of honour killing by people belonging to the caste of his girlfriend. 

 

The Tribune

AUCTION OF PANCHAYAT LAND- Dalits, landless labourers up in arms

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/jalandhar/dalits-landless-labourers-up-in-arms/100792.html

 

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, June 30

 

Members of Dalit community from across the district under the banner of PenduMazdoor Union today gheraoed the office of Deputy Commissioner in for several hours to protest against the reluctant attitude of District Administration to get their rights of panchayat land.

 

A meeting between the District Administration, including ADC (General), ADC (Development), DC and PMU representatives was held to solve the issue. During the meeting it was decided that an appropriate action would be taken after an investigation on the auctions of panchayat land.

 

Before gathering at the DC office, the Dalits and landless labourers from across the district gathered at DeshBhagatYadgar Hall from where they took out the procession towards the Deputy Commissioner's office while raising the anti-government and District Administration slogans.

 

They have been demanding the cancellation of auctions of panchayat land held at the villages, including Haler, Mallian, Dugri, TalwandiBheelan and Dyalpur. Besides this, they have also been demanding action against the BDPO, Jalandhar (West), and SHO of Kartarpur under the SC/ST Act for not letting the Dalits and landless labourers in the auction process at various villages.

 

Speaking on the occasion, PMU representative Kashmir Singh Ghugshor said, "If their demands are not accepted, they will be forced intensify their protest."

 

The Times Of India

Nitish denied scholarship to SC/ST students: Sushil Kumar Modi

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Nitish-denied-scholarship-to-SC/ST-students-Sushil-Kumar-Modi/articleshow/47888810.cms

 

TNN | Jul 1, 2015, 04.18 AM IST

 

PATNA: Former deputy CM Sushil Kumar Modi (SuMo) on Tuesday charged CM Nitish Kumar and his foe-turned-friend and RJD supremoLalu Prasad with being anti-Dalit and Mahadalit. He alleged that the duo deprived the SC/ST students of post-matriculation scholarship last year.


In a statement issued here on Tuesday, Modi said, "Thousands of SC/ST students studying engineering, medical or other technical courses in Bihar or outside are compelled to leave the courses midway as the government failed to disburse scholarship."


Modi said the state government invited application for granting scholarships almost four months late, in November 2014. The usual time was July, 2014. "The state government received about 5 lakh applications online and offline but did not grant scholarship to a single student and surrendered the allocated Rs 200 crore for financial year 2014-15," the BJP leader said.


Even in 2013-14, many students were denied scholarship and a few who received it got very little money, Modi alleged. "Now the state government is harassing the students and asking them to resubmit their scholarship applications after getting them attested from their respective institutions despite the fact that the financial year is over and the fund has already been surrendered," Modi said.


The leader of opposition in legislative council said the anti-Dalit face of the RJD-Congress supported Nitish government is exposed. The SC/ST students were denied their post-matriculation scholarship after LokJanshakti Party (LJP) chief Ram Vilas Paswan and Hindustani AwamMorcha (S) leader Jitan Ram Manjhi came over to the NDA camp, he alleged. "The state government wants to push these students into darkness by stopping their scholarships and ultimately their studies," Modi said.


Paswan also attacked Nitish over the Nalanda incident in which a school director was lynched by a mob. "It happened in the CM's home district and in the presence of policemen is proof enough that there is no rule of law in Bihar," Paswan said.


Also taking a dig at Nitish's huge posters on 'Bihar@2025 ' BadhChala Bihar', Paswan told the media at the Patna airport, "His (Nitish) alliance has so many big names like Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, Lalu Prasad and SharadYadav, but only Nitish's photograph is displayed on the hoardings. What is he trying to convey and to whom?"

Modi and Paswan also shared the dais at an NDA workers meeting in Vaishali on Tuesday.

 

The Times Of India

Bihar cabinet decisions: 50% quota in govt contract approved

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Bihar-cabinet-decisions-50-quota-in-govt-contract-approved/articleshow/47888850.cms

 

TNN | Jul 1, 2015, 04.28 AM IST

 

PATNA: Keeping in view Bihar assembly elections in September-October, the state cabinet on Tuesday took several populist decisions, including 50% reservation to scheduled castes/tribes, backward and economically backward castes and backward caste women in all government contracts up to Rs15 lakh.


Briefing media after the cabinet meeting, cabinet secretariat department's principal secretary Shishir Sinha said people belonging to SCs would get 16%, STs 1%, EBCs 18%, BCs 12% and BC women 3% in the 50% quota in contracts.


In another major decision, the government has done away with the mandatory 75% attendance of students in schools for financial year 2015-16. Now, the government school students can avail the benefits of merit scholarship, cycle and 'poshak' yojanas this year without any condition.


In another decision to woo government employees/officers, the cabinet cleared the proposal to adjust their strike period absence, from September 15, 1997 to March 12, 2013, in their earned leave. Now, their strike period salary would not be deducted.


The government also simplified the procedure of payment of grants to the unaided educational institutions. The amount would be sent directly to Bihar School Examination Board which will credit it to the bank accounts of the educational institutes concerned through RTGS.


The government also agreed to put 'Dangi' caste (Annexure-I) from backward to extremely backward caste category. 'Tanti' (Tatwa) under EBC has been reverted to backward caste category.


The proposal to share the Indira AwasYojana (IAY) amount (50:50) from the current financial year was also approved. The state share this year would be Rs1032.03 crore for the construction of 2,80,255 houses under the scheme.


The cabinet also cleared the Bihar Public Service Commission recommendations for principals in five government polytechnic colleges. They are DrBarun Kumar Rai, Dr Anil K Singh, DrKumari Anima, DrChandrashekhar Singh and DrFazleSarwar.


The dismissal of Mukesh Kumar Singh, the then assistant engineer in WRD at Chandradeyi subdivision in Araria, was also sealed. Singh, under suspension, is reporting to the office of chief engineer, water resources department, Patna.

 

Live Mint

The stark inequality within Indian cities

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/TW5pRMYNKXDWxnPr6wsNBN/The-stark-inequality-within-Indian-cities.html

 

Dalits are segregated, and have unequal access to public goods in India's biggest cities

 

Pranav Sidhwani

 

Calling the Indian village a 'den of iniquity', the founding father of India's constitution, B.R. Ambedkar, exhorted Dalits to migrate from villages to cities to escape the shackles of caste. Ambedkar's view continues to influence the dominant narrative on caste in India.

 

In the popular imagination, caste is the key marker of identity only in villages. In contrast, cities are often seen as sites of emancipation, where even the lowest in the caste ladder has better access to public goods, and greater opportunities in life. Much of this is been based on anecdotal evidence, and has rarely been backed by empirical research.

 

An analysis of the latest ward level census data for the 10 most populous cities in India shows that we may need to rethink how we view cities. Most of these cities display a high level of residential segregation, with scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) concentrated in a few areas of the city. Further, access to public goods such as tap water is much lower in these places.

 

Focussing on wards with an unusually high proportion of SC/STs relative to the city (outlier Census wards), and analysing the level of access to in-house water, a basic public good, and in-house toilets, a basic private good, a stark picture emerges, as the chart below shows.

 

In the 10 cities analyzed, these "extreme" wards have at least twice the proportion of SC/STs compared to the city average. Moreover, in all cities barring Delhi, these "extreme" wards do worse in terms of household access to in-house water and in-house toilets.

 

Kolkata merits special mention. Out of a total of 141 wards in the city, with SC/STs making up 5.6% of the total population, it is only in 12 of these wards that more than 40% of the city's SC/ST population resides in. These wards do significantly worse than average in terms of household access to in-house water, with 43% of households of these wards without water supply in their homes, as compared to 27% of households overall in the city. Even a naïve study of the politics of the city would lead one to expect a different outcome. This finding merits a deeper study of the dynamics at play in the city.

 

Urban sociologist Robert E. Park noted in 1926 that social relations are inevitably correlated with spatial relations. His insight has driven almost all studies of residential segregation. While there are many studies on segregation of the black community in the US, comparable studies for Dalits and tribals in India are rarer.

 

As India urbanises, we need to understand that Indian cities are not just spaces for buildings, streets and offices. The city is a space for dispute, citizenship and politics. Cities can offer residents an opportunity to take part in the resources of the city or can restrict the same. The choices that we make would determine whether we would end up with a more inclusive city, as Ambedkar envisioned, or an exclusive, unequal city.

Pranav Sidhwani is with the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

 

UCA News

Dalit Christians in India file complaint with UN against the Vatican

http://www.ucanews.com/news/dalit-christians-in-india-file-complaint-with-un-against-the-vatican/73861

 

Christian Dalits in India filed a complaint on Tuesday with the United Nations accusing the Holy See of not doing enough to curb discrimination faced by "untouchables" within the Catholic Church.

 

A delegation of 22 people from the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement (DCLM) and Viduthalai Tamil PuligalKatchi (a collective of human rights activists) submitted the complaint at the UN Information Centre for India and Bhutan in Delhi.

 

"We have submitted seven copies of the complaint to Rajeev Chandran, assistant director of the UN Centre in New Delhi addressed to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and different human rights organizations," Mary John, president of the DCLM, told ucanews.com.

 

The complaint accuses the Vatican and the Indian Catholic Church leadership of caste-based discrimination "by way of allowing it directly and indirectly in their spiritual, educational and administrative places".

 

The delegation asked the UN and other organizations to urge the Holy See to eradicate the caste discriminatory practices and to withdraw the Permanent Observer position of the Holy See in the UN if the Vatican does not take the necessary steps.

 

Dalits, or untouchables, are the lowest caste within Hindu society. Huge numbers of Dalits have converted to Christianity and Islam over the decades, though in reality the religions offer limited protection from societal prejudice.

 

"The discrimination against Dalit Christians in the Catholic Church is a human rights issue and it would be right if we approach the UN to find a solution to it," John said.

 

KudanthaiArasan, president of the Viduthalai Tamil PuligalKatchi, said Dalit Christians routinely face discrimination in their daily life.

 

"There are separate cemeteries for Dalit Christians. Even in the church there are separate seating arrangements for those from the Dalit community and others. The festival choir processions do not enter the streets where Dalit Christians live," he said, adding that in some churches even the dead body of a Dalit Christian is not allowed inside for funeral Mass.

 

While Dalit Christians form 70 percent of the total Catholic population in India, said John, their representation in the Church leadership is only 4-5 percent.

 

He added that Dalits are not recruited for the priesthood and are rarely permitted to be appointed as bishops.

Out of about 200 active bishops in India, only nine are from the Dalit community.

 

"We have raised our voice time and again to end this practice in the Indian Church, but our pleas have been falling on deaf ears," he added.

 

The Dalit Christians also blamed the top bishops' body in India — the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI) — for not pursuing the issue with the Holy See.

 

"They do not take our case seriously to the Vatican. The CBCI has come out with declarations terming caste-ism as [a] sin but they themselves are practicing it," John said.

 

However, Fr Joseph Chinnayyan, CBCI deputy secretary general, told ucanews.com that the organization has never received any complaint of discrimination against Dalits in the Catholic Church in the past.

 

He said that as far as the Dalit Christians' complaint about the issue to the UN is concerned, "we are not aware of any such complaint and will only respond once we receive any communication about it".

 

The Times Of India

Elavarasan's death anniversary: Section 144 imposed in three revenue divisions of Dharmapuri district

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/Elavarasans-death-anniversary-Section-144-imposed-in-three-revenue-divisions-of-Dharmapuri-district/articleshow/47890371.cms

 

DHARMAPURI: Dharmapuri district administration on Wednesday morning imposed prohibitory orders under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) in three revenue divisions -- Dharmapuri, Pennagaram and Palacode to prevent any untoward incident on the second death anniversary of a dalit youth, E Elavarasan, which falls on July 4.


Sources said the decision had been taken after some political parties and outfits had approached the district administration seeking permission to pay their tributes to Elavarasan at his tomb in Natham colony.


"We have imposed Section 144 of the CrPC in three revenue divisions with effect from Wednesday morning to avoid any communal clashes. It will be in force for a week," a revenue official said.


The district administration and the police department warned that they would arrest those who violated the prohibitory orders.


Elavarasan, a dalit youth, married DivyaNagarajan, a vanniyar woman, in November 2012, triggering clashes between the members of the two castes.


Vanniyars set ablaze 268 dalit houses in Natham colony, Anna Nagar and Kondampatti villages of Dharmapuri district on November 7, 2012.


Six months after their marriage, Divya left Elavarasan on June 4, 2013.

 

The New Indian Express

Cops Nab Four in Gokulraj's Death Case

http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/tamil_nadu/Cops-Nab-Four-in-Gokulrajs-Death-Case/2015/07/01/article2895839.ece

 

NAMAKKAL :Police special squads picked up four persons in connection with the suspicious death of a Dalit youth, Gokulraj, but the main accused were yet to be nabbed, sources said. All four are being quizzed at a secret place since Monday, but the cops did not get much information from them.

 

Sources said the four men said that they had accompanied Yuvaraja up to a point but knew nothing about what happened after Gokulraj was abducted from the hilltop.

 

Meanwhile, the High Court handed the autopsy report to the Investigation Officer and DSP, Thiruchengode, Vishnu Priya on Tuesday. But police did not divulge the report's contents.

 

The Hindu

Autopsy report on Dalit youth to help probe

http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/chennai/autopsy-report-on-dalit-youth-to-help-probe/article7372693.ece

 

The report of the autopsy performed on the body of the 22-year old Dalit, Gokulraj, who was found dead along the railway tracks in Namakkal district under mysterious circumstances last week, would be given to the investigating officer probing the case.

 

Hearing a petition filed by Parthiban, a friend of the deceased, a Division Bench of the Madras High Court comprising Justices S. Tamilvanan and B. Rajendran directed the Registrar General to give the autopsy report to the investigating officer – Deputy Superintendent of Police Vishnu Priya.

 

Earlier, a team of doctors constituted on the orders of the Madras High Court produced before the Registrar-General a sealed cover containing the autopsy report.

 

The New Indian Express

Understanding Dalit Women

http://www.newindianexpress.com/cities/chennai/Understanding-Dalit-Women/2015/07/01/article2895121.ece

 

CHENNAI: An interesting phenomena has been recorded by S Anandhi, associate professor at Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS). Anandhi is researching about the dynamics of caste among Dalit and upper caste women against the paradigm of development which will be part of a book.

 

At a seminar on 'Caste and Development: Towards an Ethnography of Dalit Women's Activism in Tamil Nadu', organised by MIDS recently, Anandhi, who had done her case study on a village in Tiruninravur, pointed out how expansion of the labour market for Dalit women moving away from agriculture had changed the dynamics of caste equations.

 

"Dalit women belonging to AdiDravidar communities now have better access to opportunities in the expanded labour market. However, same can not be said about the Arunthathiyar community women, who are not yet modernised, as they are still agricultural labourers," Anandhi said.

 

She also mentioned that the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) had helped women move away from Dalit bondage. However, a caste order was still prevalent among women, when NREGA wages would be distributed. "The upper caste women would be the first to get the wages and the scheduled castes would get it only after that," she said.  

 

The Hindu

Selfless work by Dalits recalled

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/selfless-work-by-dalits-recalled/article7372845.ece

 

STAFF REPORTER

 

Selfless work done by a group Dalits six decades ago has not only brought them laurels now but also made them proud land owners.

 

From now on, they need not depend on landlords for their survival.

 

Ten Dalit field workers, including three women who are 85 years and above, have become landowners, thanks to support offered to these workers who stood along with T.S. Soundaram, founder, Gandhigram Trust, when she floated the trust at Gandhigram village to extend health care to the poor and the downtrodden.

 

Breaking all barriers and hurdles, Gandhigram Trust had fulfilled the dream of the founder and offered 65 cents of agriculture land each to 10 Dalits living at Thoppampatti village since the 1950s as per the direction of the founder.

 

"Our founder had promised to offer land for the uplift of Dalits. Now, we have fulfilled her wish by offering land owned by the trust to them," said K. Shiva Kumar, secretary of the trust.

 

Ms. Soundaram had identified people from villages around Chinnalapatti to develop an area for their activities. The selected beneficiaries were settled in Thoppampatti with a promise of land for their survival.

 

"We joined work for wages of 50 paise a day for women and 75 paise for men to cut firewood and level the field," said beneficiary Y. Chinnappan (85), who was picked from Panjampatti in the 1950s.

 

"My husband Raju joined the work force. He died and my only son too died in an accident. Now, my grandson is taking care of me," said another beneficiary R. Azhagammal (89).

 

Octogenarian P. Mariappan said he was picked from Kalikkampatti. "We are honoured now," he said.

 

The land was registered in the name of the beneficiaries and also their legal heirs to enable even the next generation to enjoy it.

 

No sale

"Even though it is patta land, the beneficiaries cannot sell it," said Mr. Shiva Kumar. Managing Trustee M.R. Rajagopal handed over the pattas to the beneficiaries.

                       

Meri News

NAPM condemns arrest of All India Union of Forest Working People activists by UP Police

http://www.merinews.com/article/napm-condemns-arrest-of-all-india-union-of-forest-working-people-activists-by-up-police/15907566.shtml

 

National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) expressed its outrage at the arrest of senior activist and advocate, Roma Malik, SokaloGond, and other women activists of the All India Union of Forest Working People from the organization's office in Robertsgunj by UP Police yesterday.

 

"We are shocked and amazed at the attempts by the UP administration to repeatedly arrest activists and the struggling people for asserting their constitutional rights and protecting the environment," says a NAPM press statement.

 

While the memory of ruthless repression where the police open fired at the peaceful protesters at Kanhar Dam onAmbedkarJayanti is still fresh, this attempt to crush the voice of dissent comes in the wake of the planned people's rally against land acquisition and loot of natural resources that was to take placeinRobertsgunj (today) is unjustifiable and unacceptable, said NAPM.

 

The right to peaceful protest is part of the fundamental right guaranteed by the Constitution of India and no government can take away or infringe upon this sacred right. It needs to be noted that in numerous instances in the past the higher courts have repeatedly come down on the authorities for trying to muzzle protests through fabricated cases and arrests.

 

NAPM said that it also wished to remind the UP government that some of of its members had met the CM at the CM House in the last week of April, in the wake of the brutal police firings at adivasis and dalits in the Kanhar dam-affected area. The Order of the NGT as well clearly establishes the illegality in the entire process.

 

NAPM claimed that the UP CM had assured it that he would take note of all the demands in their memorandum and ensure that the conflict is resolved through dialogue with the people and Gram Sabhas.

 

"Is this how the Government seeks to resolve conflict? Are these arrests really necessary and lawful? Such actions will only intensify the conflict and lead to further tensions in the area," said NAPM.

 

NAPM expressd hopes that the UP Government would take serious note of the national discontent against the arrest of senior activists of the AIUFWP and direct the district administration to drop all chargers and release the arrested activists and villagers.

 

They conveyed their deep disdain for the approach of the UP government to openly harass and target activists who are engaged with the people's issues on the ground and are raising important questions of land, natural resources and equality and democracy.

 

They expressed wish to remind the government and the administration that peaceful and democratic struggle of the adivasi and dalit communities, led by the women of Sonbhadra, is their constitutional right and we stand in full solidarity with them.

 

News Monitored by Girish Pant & AJEET



.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")

Pl visit On : 
https://jansanskaran.wordpress.com, 
https://www.facebook.com/DalitsMediaWatch
 

...................................................................
Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre- PMARC has been initiated with the support from group of senior journalists, social activists, academics and  intellectuals from Dalit and civil society to advocate and facilitate Dalits issues in the mainstream media. To create proper & adequate space with the Dalit perspective in the mainstream media national/ International on Dalit issues is primary objective of the PMARC.


The stark inequality within Indian cities

The stark inequality within Indian cities

Shiva Shankar

... Kolkata merits special mention. Out of a total of 141 wards in the city, with SC/STs making up 5.6% of the total population, it is only in 12 of these wards that more than 40% of the city's SC/ST population resides in. These wards do significantly worse than average in terms of household access to in-house water, with 43% of households of these wards without water supply in their homes, as compared to 27% of households overall in the city. ...

The stark inequality within Indian cities http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/TW5pRMYNKXDWxnPr6wsNBN/The-stark-inequality-within-Indian-cities.html

Dalits are segregated, and have unequal access to public goods in India's biggest cities - Pranav Sidhwani

Calling the Indian village a 'den of iniquity', the founding father of India's constitution, B.R. Ambedkar, exhorted Dalits to migrate from villages to cities to escape the shackles of caste. Ambedkar's view continues to influence the dominant narrative on caste in India.

In the popular imagination, caste is the key marker of identity only in villages. In contrast, cities are often seen as sites of emancipation, where even the lowest in the caste ladder has better access to public goods, and greater opportunities in life. Much of this is been based on anecdotal evidence, and has rarely been backed by empirical research.

An analysis of the latest ward level census data for the 10 most populous cities in India shows that we may need to rethink how we view cities. Most of these cities display a high level of residential segregation, with scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) concentrated in a few areas of the city. Further, access to public goods such as tap water is much lower in these places.

Focussing on wards with an unusually high proportion of SC/STs relative to the city (outlier Census wards), and analysing the level of access to in-house water, a basic public good, and in-house toilets, a basic private good, a stark picture emerges, as the chart below shows.

In the 10 cities analyzed, these "extreme" wards have at least twice the proportion of SC/STs compared to the city average. Moreover, in all cities barring Delhi, these "extreme" wards do worse in terms of household access to in-house water and in-house toilets.

Kolkata merits special mention. Out of a total of 141 wards in the city, with SC/STs making up 5.6% of the total population, it is only in 12 of these wards that more than 40% of the city's SC/ST population resides in. These wards do significantly worse than average in terms of household access to in-house water, with 43% of households of these wards without water supply in their homes, as compared to 27% of households overall in the city. Even a naïve study of the politics of the city would lead one to expect a different outcome. This finding merits a deeper study of the dynamics at play in the city.

Urban sociologist Robert E. Park noted in 1926 that social relations are inevitably correlated with spatial relations. His insight has driven almost all studies of residential segregation. While there are many studies on segregation of the black community in the US, comparable studies for Dalits and tribals in India are rarer.

As India urbanises, we need to understand that Indian cities are not just spaces for buildings, streets and offices. The city is a space for dispute, citizenship and politics. Cities can offer residents an opportunity to take part in the resources of the city or can restrict the same. The choices that we make would determine whether we would end up with a more inclusive city, as Ambedkar envisioned, or an exclusive, unequal city.

Pranav Sidhwani is with the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

Gary Younge: Farewell to America ! After 12 years in the US, Gary Younge is preparing to depart – as the country’s racial frictions seem certain to spark another summer of conflict

Gary Younge: Farewell to America ! After 12 years in the US, Gary Younge is preparing to depart – as the country's racial frictions seem certain to spark another summer of conflict

The Guardian

Gary Younge: Farewell to America

 

After 12 years in the US, Gary Younge is preparing to depart – as the country's racial frictions seem certain to spark another summer of conflict

 

HTTP://WWW.THEGUARDIAN.COM/US-NEWS/2015/JUL/01/GARY-YOUNGE-FAREWELL-TO-AMERICA?CMP=SHARE_BTN_FB

 

For the past couple of years the summers, like hurricanes, have had names. Not single names like Katrina or Floyd – but full names like Trayvon Martin or Michael Brown. Like hurricanes, their arrival was both predictable and predicted, and yet somehow, when they landed, the effect was still shocking.

 

We do not yet know the name that will be attached to this particular season. He is still out there, playing Call of Duty, finding a way to feed his family or working to pay off his student loans. He (and it probably will be a he) has no idea that his days are numbered; and we have no idea what the number of those days will be.

 

The precise alchemy that makes one particular death politically totemic while others go unmourned beyond their families and communities is not quite clear. Video helps, but is not essential. Some footage of cops rolling up like death squads and effectively executing people who posed no real threat has barely pricked the popular imagination. When the authorities fail to heed community outrage, or substantively investigate, let alone discipline, the police, the situation can become explosive. An underlying, ongoing tension between authorities and those being policed has been a factor in some cases. So, we do not know quite why his death will capture the political imagination in a way that others will not.

 

But we do know, with gruesome certainty, that his number will come up – that one day he will be slain in cold blood by a policeman (once again it probably will be a man) who is supposed to protect him and his community. We know this because it is statistically inevitable and has historical precedent. We know this because we have seen it happen again and again. We know this because this is not just how America works; it is how America was built. Like a hurricane, we know it is coming – we just do not yet know where or when or how much damage it will do.


Summer is riot season. It's when Watts, Newark and Detroit erupted in violence in the 1960s, sparked by callous policing. It's when school is out, pool parties are on and domestic life, particularly in urban centres, is turned inside-out: from the living room to the stoop, from the couch to the street. It's when tempers get short and resentments bubble up like molten asphalt. It's when, to paraphrase Langston Hughes, deferred dreams explode.

 

This is not my desire; it is my prediction. You can feel it building with every new Facebook post, viral video and Twitter storm. You can hear it from conversations with strangers at post offices, liquor stores and coffee shops. It is an unpleasant prediction to make because, ultimately, these riots highlight a problem they cannot, in themselves, solve; and it is an easy one to make because, as one bystander in Baltimore put it when disturbances flared there earlier this year: "You can only put so much into a pressure cooker before it pop."

 

This is the summer I will leave America, after 12 years as a foreign correspondent, and return to London. My decision to come back to Britain was prompted by banal, personal factors that have nothing to do with current events; if my aim was to escape aggressive policing and racial disadvantage, I would not be heading to Hackney.


But while the events of the last few years did not prompt the decision to come back, they do make me relieved that the decision had already been made. It is why I have not once had second thoughts. If I had to pick a summer to leave, this would be the one. Another season of black parents grieving, police chiefs explaining and clueless anchors opining. Another season when America has to be reminded that black lives matter because black deaths at the hands of the state have been accepted as routine for so long. A summer ripe for rage.

* * *

I arrived in New York just a few months before the Iraq war. Americans seemed either angry at the rest of the world, angry at each other, or both. The top five books on the New York Times bestseller list the month I started were: Bush at War (Bob Woodward's hagiographic account of the post-9/11 White House); The Right Man (Bush's former speechwriter relives his first year in the White House); Portrait of a Killer (Patricia Cornwell on Jack the Ripper); The Savage Nation (a rightwing radio talkshow host saves America from "the liberal assault on our borders, language and culture"); and Leadership (Republican former New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani's post 9/11 victory lap).

 

There has barely been a quiet moment since. First there was the jingoism of the Iraq war, then the re-election of George W Bush in 2004, Hurricane Katrina, disillusionment with the Iraq war, the "Minutemen" anti-immigration vigilantes, the huge pro-immigrant "¡Sí se puede!" protests, Barack Obama, Sarah Palin, the economic crash, Occupy Wall Street, the Tea Party, Obama's reelection and the current rise in anti-racist activism. Being a foreigner made all these phenomena intriguing. Politically and morally, I picked sides. But, when reporting, it was more like anthropology. I saw it as my mission to try and understand the US: why did poor white people vote against their economic interests? How did the descendants of immigrants become xenophobic? Why were people disappointed in Obama when he had promised so little? The search for the answer was illuminating, even when I never found it or didn't like it.

 

But the cultural distance I enjoyed as a Briton in a foreign country felt like a blended veneer of invincibility and invisibility. I thought of myself less as a participant than an onlooker. While reporting from rural Mississippi in 2003, I stopped to ask directions at the house of an old white couple, and they threatened to shoot me. I thought this was funny. I got back into my car sharpish and drove off – but I never once thought they would actually shoot me. How crazy would that be? When I got home, I told my wife and brother-in-law, who are African American. Their parents grew up in the South under segregation; even today, my mother-in-law wouldn't stop her car in Mississippi for anything but petrol. They didn't think it was funny at all: what on earth did I think I was doing, stopping to ask old white folk in rural Mississippi for directions?

 

Yet, somewhere along the way, I became invested. That was partly about time: as I came to know people – rather than just interviewing them – I came to relate to the issues more intimately. When someone close to you struggles with chronic pain because they have no healthcare, has their kitchen window pierced by gunfire or cannot pay a visit to their home country because they are undocumented, your relationship to issues like health reform, gun control or immigration is transformed. Not because your views change but because knowing and understanding something simply does not provide the same intensity as having it in your life.

 

 


 Gary Younge with his son in 2008. Photograph: Tara Mack

 

But my investment was primarily about circumstances. On the weekend in 2007 that Barack Obama declared his presidential candidacy, our son was born. Six years later, we had a daughter. For the most part I have kept my English accent. But my language relating to children is reflexively American: diapers, strollers, pacifiers, recess, candy and long pants. I have only ever been a parent here – a role for which my own upbringing in England provides no real reference point. One summer evening, a couple years after we moved to Chicago, our daughter was struggling to settle down and so my wife decided to take a short walk to the local supermarket to bob her to sleep in the carrier. On the way back there was shooting in the street and she had to seek shelter in a local barbershop. When the snow finally melted this year one discarded gun was found in the alley behind our local park and another showed up in the alley behind my son's school. My days of being an onlooker were over. I was dealing with daycare, summer camps, schools, doctor's visits, parks and other parents. The day we brought my son home, an article in the New York Times pointed out that in America "a black male who drops out of high school is 60 times more likely to find himself in prison than one with a bachelor's degree". Previously, I'd have found that interesting and troubling. Now it was personal. I had skin in the game. Black skin in a game where the odds are stacked against it.

* * *

Obama's ascent, I was told by many and frequently during his campaign, would change these odds. Whenever I asked "How?" no one could say exactly. But his very presence, they insisted, would provide a marker for my son and all who look like him. I never believed that. First of all, one person cannot undo centuries of discrimination, no matter how much nominal power they have. Second, given the institutions into which Obama would be embedded – namely the Democratic party and the presidency – there would only ever be so much he could or would do. He was aspiring to sit atop a system awash with corporate donations in which congressional seats are openly gerrymandered and 41% of the upper chamber can block almost anything. He was the most progressive candidate viable for the presidency, which says a great deal, given the alternatives, but means very little, given what would be needed to significantly shift the dial on such issues as race and inequality.


Pointing this out amid the hoopla of his candidacy made you sound like Eeyore. I was delighted when he won. But somehow I could never be quite as delighted as some people felt I should have been. When Obama beat Hillary Clinton in the South Carolina Democratic primary – in the first southern state to secede from the union, which sparked the civil war, where the Confederate flag still flies above the state capitol and a white supremacist recently gunned down nine parishioners at a black church – the crowds chanted "Race Doesn't Matter". (An odd rallying cry, since it was precisely because he was a black candidate that they were shouting it; it's not like Hillary's crowd would have shouted the same thing if she had won.)


I was delighted when Obama won. But somehow I could never be quite as delighted as some people felt I should have been


The symbolic advantages of Obama's election were clear. For two years I pushed my son around in his stroller surrounded by a picture of a black man framed by the words "Hope" and "Change". A year or so after Obama came to office, my son had a playdate with a four-year-old white friend who looked up from his Thomas the Tank Engine and told my son: "You're black." It was a reasonable thing for a child of that age to point out – he was noticing difference, not race. But when my son looked at me for a cue, I now had a new arrow in my quiver to deflect any potential awkwardness. "That's right," I said. "Just like the president."


But the substantial benefits were elusive. Obama inherited an economic crisis that hurt African Americans more than any other community. The discrepancy between black and white employment and wealth grew during his first few years and has barely narrowed since. In 2010, I used this anecdote in a column by way of pointing out the limited symbolic value of having a black president. "True, it is something," I wrote. "But when Thomas is safely back in the station and the moment is over, it is not very much. Because for all the white noise emanating from the Tea Party movement, it has been black Americans who have suffered most since Obama took office. Over the last 14 months the gap between my son's life chances and his friend's have been widening."

 

This last statement was as undeniably true as it was apparently controversial. I had not claimed that my son was likely to do badly, simply that his odds for success were far worse than the kid he was playing with, and that they were further deteriorating. A study in 2014 found that a black college student has the same chances of getting a job as a white high-school dropout. "As the recession has dragged on," the New York Times pointed out just a couple months before my son's playdate, the disparity between black and white unemployment "has been even more pronounced for those with college degrees, compared with those without. Education, it seems, does not level the playing field – in fact, it appears to have made it more uneven." But insisting that racism would have a material effect on my son's life ruffled some readers' feathers.

 

"Nonsense," wrote one commenter. "Your middle-class status means his future will have more in common with his white friends than any poor black kid." Another – a Guardian contributor, no less – also chimed in: "For you to claim shared victimhood on skin colour alone is highly disingenuous. Your son is highly likely to do OK, to say the least. He has most of the advantages in the world."

 

Such responses betrayed complete ignorance about the lived experience of race in a country as segregated as the United States. Class does makes a big difference, of course: this is America. We have healthcare, jobs, university educations and a car; we live in a community with reasonable schools, supermarkets and restaurants. In short, we have resources and therefore we have options.

 

We do not, however, have the option not to be black. And in this time and this place that is no minor factor. That is not "claiming shared victimhood", it is recognising a fact of life. Class offers a range of privileges; but it is not a sealant that protects you from everything else. If it was, rich women would never get raped and wealthy gay couples could marry all around the world.

 

To even try to have the kind of gilded black life to which these detractors alluded, we would have to do far more than just revel in our bank accounts and leverage our cultural capital. We would have to live in an area with few other black people, since black neighbourhoods are policed with insufficient respect for life or liberty; send our children to a school with few other black students, since majority-black schools are underfunded; tell them not to wear anything that would associate them with black culture, since doing so would make them more vulnerable to profiling; tell them not to mix with other black children, since they are likely to live in the very areas and go to the very schools from which we would be trying to escape; and not let the children go out after dark, since being young and black after sunset makes the police suspect that you have done or are about to do something.


The list could go on. None of this self-loathing behaviour would provide any guarantees, of course. Racism does what it says on the packet; it discriminates against people on the grounds of race. It can be as arbitrary in its choice of victim as it is systemic in its execution. And while it never works alone (but in concert with class, gender and a host of other rogue characters), it can operate independently. No one is going to be checking my bank account or professional status when they are looking at my kids.

 

Trayvon Martin was walking through a gated community when George Zimmerman pegged him for a thug and shot him dead. Clementa Pinckney, a South Carolina state senator, was in one of Charleston's most impressive churches when Dylann Roof murdered him and eight others.

 

I have not only never met an African American who thought they could buy themselves the advantages of a white American; I have yet to meet one who thinks they can even buy themselves out of the disadvantages of being black. All you can do is limit the odds. And when one in three black boys born in 2001 is destined for the prison system, those odds are pretty bad. Having a black man in the White House has not changed that.

 

Most days, the park closest to us looks like Sesame Street. White, black and Vietnamese American kids climbing, swinging and sliding. Occasionally, particularly late on weekday afternoons, teenagers show up. Like adolescents the western world over, they are bored, broke, horny and lost. They don't want to stay at home, but can't afford to be anywhere that costs money, and so they come to the public space most approximate to their needs, where they squeeze into swings that are meant for smaller kids and joke, flirt and banter. Very occasionally they swear and get a little rowdy – but nothing that an adult could not deal with by simply asking them to keep the language down because there are little kids around. Oh, and in this park the teenagers are usually black.

 

Their presence certainly changes the mood. But the only time it ever really gets tense is when the police come. The better police chat with them, the worse ones interrogate them. Either way, the presence of armed, uniformed people in this children's space is both unsettling and unnecessary. The smaller kids and those new to the park imagine something seriously wrong must have happened for the police to be there; the older ones (by which I mean those aged seven and over), and those who are already familiar with the drill just shrug: the cops are in our park again. It is difficult to tell which response is worse.

 

Once, when some adolescents were hanging out relatively quietly one afternoon, I struck up a conversation with a white woman. Her son was roughly the same age as mine, we both lived nearby and neither of our kids would have to cross a road to get to the park. We were discussing at what age we thought it would be appropriate to let our boys come by themselves. "The thing is, you just don't know if it's going to be quiet or if the junior gangbangers are going to be hanging around," she said, gesturing to the youths on the swings.

 

I was stunned. Whenever I have written about police killings at least one reader reminds me that black people are most likely to be killed by black people. This is both true and irrelevant. First, because all Americans are overwhelmingly likely to be killed by assailants of their own race, so what some brand "black-on-black crime" should, more accurately, just be called crime. But also because black people are not, by dint of their melanin content, entrusted to protect and serve the public. The police are. Over the last decade I have reported from many impoverished neighbourhoods, populated by all races, where I have felt unsafe. That hasn't made me fear black people or any other racial group; it has just made me loathe poverty and gun culture in general, since it is that toxic combination that both drives the crime and makes it lethal.

 

This woman and I were looking at the same kids but seeing quite different things.

 

"What makes you think they're going to become gangbangers?" I asked. She shrugged. The conversation pretty much dried up after that.

 

There is a section of white society – a broad section that includes affable mothers who will speak to black strangers like me in the park – who understand black kids as an inherent threat. Beyond the segregated ghettos where few white people venture, the presence of black youth apparently marks not just the potential for trouble but the arrival of it. When George Zimmerman saw Trayvon Martin, he didn't see a 17-year-old boy walking home from the store. He saw someone "real suspicious", "up to no good", whom he assumed bore some responsibility for recent burglaries.

 

"Fucking punks," he told the police, referring to Trayvon. "These assholes, they always get away."

 

Indeed black children are often not even regarded as children at all. In Goose Creek, South Carolina, police demanded DNA samples from two middle school students after they were mistaken for a 32-year-old suspect. After the killing of Tamir Rice – the 12-year-old shot dead by police in Cleveland after someone reported him brandishing what they assumed was a "probably fake" gun – a police spokesman said it was his own fault. "Tamir Rice is in the wrong," he said. "He's menacing. He's 5ft 7in, 191 pounds. He wasn't that little kid you're seeing in pictures. He's a 12-year-old in an adult body." When testifying before the grand jury into the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Darren Wilson described his assailant more like an animal than a 18-year-old: "He looked up at me and had the most intense aggressive face. The only way I can describe it, it looks like a demon, that's how angry he looked." Even after Wilson shot Brown he continued to depict him as both physically superhuman and emotionally subhuman. "He was almost bulking up to run through the shots, like it was making him mad that I'm shooting him. And the face that he had was looking straight through me, like I wasn't even there, I wasn't even anything in his way."

 

The evidence is not merely anecdotal. A study last year published in the American Psychological Association's online Journal of Personality and Social Psychology revealed that white Americans overestimated the age of black boys over the age of 10 by an average of four and a half years; white respondents also assumed that black children were more culpable than whites or Latinos, particularly when the boys were matched with serious crimes. "Children in most societies are considered to be in a distinct group with characteristics such as innocence and the need for protection," wrote Phillip Atiba Goff PhD, of the University of California, Los Angeles. "Our research found that black boys can be seen as responsible for their actions at an age when white boys still benefit from the assumption that children are essentially innocent." My son is tall for his age; these are the things you worry about.

 

It wasn't long before my wife and I began to notice the degree to which some white adults felt entitled to shout at black children – be it in the street, or on school trips – for infractions either minor or imagined.


Last summer, on the afternoon I arrived home from reporting on the disturbances after Michael Brown's death in Ferguson, Missouri, there was a barbecue and music at the local park. I took the kids. The park has a water feature that shoots wet jets from the ground and sprays kids in fountains from all sides as they paddle around. The younger ones peel down to their underwear while the older ones just pile in whatever they have on. It was a scorching day and my son and several other kids were having a water fight – a tame affair with very little collateral damage for those not involved beyond the odd sprinkling. At one stage, while in hot pursuit of his main rival, my son splashed a woman on her leg. She yelled at him as though he'd hit her with a brick.

I'd seen the whole thing and ran over.

 

"What's the problem?" I said.

"Look. He's covered me in water," she shouted.

I looked. She was barely wet. But even if he had …

"You're standing in a children's park, on a hot day, next to a water feature," I said. "Deal with it. Just stop shouting at him."

"Don't you tell me what to do," she barked.

"Now you're shouting at me," I said. "Just stop it."

"Who the hell are you?" she yelled.

"I'm his dad that's who."

"You're nobody, that's who you are," she bellowed. "Nobody."

* * *

One of the first stories I covered on my arrival was the funeral of Mamie Till Mobley, the 81-year-old mother of the late Emmett Till. In 1955 Mamie sent her 14-year-old son, Emmett, from Chicago to rural Mississippi to spend his summer holiday with family. She packed him off with a warning: "If you have to get on your knees and bow when a white person goes past," she told him, "do it willingly."

Emmett didn't follow her advice. While in the small town of Money, in the Delta region, he either said "Bye, baby" or wolf-whistled at a white woman in a grocery store. Three days later his body was fished out of the Tallahatchie river with a bullet in his skull, an eye gouged out and his forehead crushed on one side.

 

Raising a black child in a racist society poses a very particular set of challenges. On the one hand, you want them to be proud and confident of who they are. On the other, you have to teach them that they are vulnerable precisely because of who they are, in the knowledge that awareness of that vulnerability just might save their life. We are trying to raise self-confident children for long lives, not hashtags for slaughter.

 

We are trying to raise self-confident children for long lives, not hashtags for slaughter

 

Explaining the complex historical and social forces that make such a dance necessary is not easy at the best of times. Making them comprehensible to a child is nigh impossible without gross simplifications and cutting corners. Once, during our 10-minute walk to daycare, my son asked if we could take another route. "Why?" I asked.

 

"Because that way they stop all the black boys," he said.

 

He was right. Roughly twice a week we would pass young black men being frisked or arrested, usually on the way home. He was also four, and until that point I was not aware that he had even noticed. I tried to make him feel safe.

 

"Well don't worry. You're with me and they're not going to stop us," I told him.

"Why not?" he asked.

 

"Because we haven't done anything," I said.

 

"What have they done?" he asked.

 

He had me. From then on we took another route.

 

When I interviewed Maya Angelou in 2002, she told me that the September 11 attacks of the previous year were understood differently by African Americans. "Living in a state of terror was new to many white people in America," she said. "But black people have been living in a state of terror in this country for more than 400 years." It is that state of terror that has been laid bare these last few years.

 

The American polity and media episodically "discovers" this daily reality in much the same way that teenagers discover sex – urgently, earnestly, voraciously and carelessly, with great self-indulgence but precious little self-awareness. They have always been aware of it but somehow when confronted with it, it nonetheless takes them by surprise.

 

The week I arrived, in December 2002, the Senate minority leader, Mississippi Republican Trent Lott, resigned from his leadership position after he said in a speech that America would have been a better place had the segregationist Strom Thurmond won the presidency in 1948. The mainstream media saw nothing outrageous in this – as if it was just the kind of thing a conservative southern senator might say. It took bloggers to make it a story. As I write, some southern states are debating whether to keep the Confederate flag flying on state grounds in various guises – as though it took nine people dying on their doorstep to understand its racist connotations.

 

It is as though the centuries-old narrative of racial inequality is too tiresome to acknowledge, except as a footnote, until it appears in dramatic fashion, as it did after Hurricane Katrina or the protests in Ferguson. At that point the bored become suddenly scandalised. In a nation that prides itself on always moving forward, the notion that they are "still dealing with this" feels like an affront to the national character. That's why Obama's candidacy had such a simple and uplifting appeal to so many Americans. As the radical academic and 1970s icon Angela Davis explained to me in 2007, it represented "a model of diversity as the difference that makes no difference, the change that brings about no change".


This most recent episode of racial awakening has lasted longer than most. For the last couple of years the brutal banality of daily life for some people in this country has become visible and undeniable to those who have no immediate connection to it. But nothing new has happened. There has been no spike in police brutality. What's new is that people are looking. And thanks to new technology (namely the democratisation of the ability to film and distribute), they have lots to look at. As a result, a significant section of white America is outraged at the sight of what it had previously chosen to ignore, while a dwindling but still sizeable and vocal few still refuse to believe their eyes.

* * *

I've never found it particularly useful to compare racisms – as though one manifestation might be better than another. Every society, regardless of its racial composition, has overlapping and interweaving hierarchies. Insisting on the superiority of one over another suggests there are racisms out there worth having – a race to the bottom with no moral centre.

 

In June 1998, as the public inquiry into the murder of Stephen Lawrence laid bare one of the more insidious examples of British racism, news arrived from Jasper, Texas, about the murder of James Byrd. Byrd, an African American, had been picked up by three men, one of whom he knew and two of whom were white supremacists. Instead of driving him home, they took him to a remote country road, beat him, urinated on him and chained him by his ankles to their pickup truck before dragging him for more than a mile until his head came off. Then they went for a barbecue.

 

The next day, during an editorial meeting at the Guardian which featured a discussion of the Lawrence inquiry followed by the Byrd murder, one of my colleagues remarked, of Byrd's killing: "Well at least we don't do that here."

 

"That will be of little comfort to Doreen and Neville Lawrence," I thought.

 

I have more cousins in the US than in Britain. They are doing fine. At one stage I fully intended to immigrate here. While that plan no longer stands, it still doesn't strike me as insane.

 

While I have been in America, I have not been shot at, arrested, imprisoned or otherwise seriously inconvenienced by the state. I do not live in the hollowed out, jobless zones of urban economic despair to which many African Americans have been abandoned. I have been shouted at in a park, taken different routes to school, and occasionally dealt with bigoted officials. (While driving through Mississippi to cover Katrina I approached a roadblock that all the other journalists had easily passed through, only to have a policeman pat the gun in his holster and turn me around). These experiences are aggravating. They are not life-threatening.

 

 A protest against the killing of Michael Brown in St Louis. Photograph: Bryan Sutter/Demotix/Corbis

I am not Michael Brown. But then Michael Brown wasn't Michael Brown before he was shot dead and had his body left on the street for four hours; Eric Garner was just a man trying to sell cigarettes in the street before he was choked to death in Staten Island; Tamir Rice was just a boisterous kid acting out in a park before a policeman leaped out of his squad car and shot him within seconds. Being shot dead by the police or anyone else is not the daily experience of black people in America.

 

But what became clear following the Department of Justice report into the Ferguson police force was just how extreme and commonplace these aggravations could be. To cite just a few examples: between 2007 to 2014, one woman in Ferguson was arrested twice, spent six days in jail and paid $550 as a result of one parking ticket for which she was originally charged $151. She tried to pay in smaller instalments - $25 or $50 a time - but the court refused to accept anything less than the full payment, which she could not afford. Seven years after the original infraction she still owed $541 – this was how the town raised its revenue. It was not a glitch in the system; it was the system.

 

Then there was the 14-year-old boy that the Ferguson police found in an abandoned building, who was chased down by a dog that bit his ankle and his left arm as he protected his face. The boy says officers kicked him in the head and then laughed about it after. The officers say they thought he was armed; he wasn't. Department of Justice investigators found that every time a police dog in Ferguson bit someone, the victim was black.

Then there was the man pulled out of his house by the police after reports of an altercation inside. As they dragged him out he told them: "You don't have a reason to lock me up."

 

"Nigger, I can find something to lock you up on," the officer told him.

 

"Good luck with that," the man responded. The officer slammed the man's face into a wall and he fell to the floor.

"Don't pass out, motherfucker, because I'm not carrying you to my car," the officer is claimed to have said.

 

This was the same month Brown was killed. Were it not for the disturbances following Brown's death, there would have been no investigation – not only would we have heard nothing of these things but, because no light had been shone on them, the Ferguson police would be carrying on with the same level of impunity. This was a small midwestern suburb few had heard of – unremarkable in every way, which is precisely what makes the goings on there noteworthy. If it was happening there, then it could be happening anywhere.

 

It is exhausting. When the videos of brutality go viral I can't watch them unless I have to write about them. I don't need to be shocked – which is just as well because these videos emerge with such regularity that they cease to be shocking. Were it not for the thrill of seeing an unjaded younger generation reviving the best of the nation's traditions of anti-racist resistance, I would be in despair.

 

The altercations in the park, the rerouted walks to school, the aggravations of daily life are the lower end of a continuum – a dull drumbeat that occasionally crescendos into violent confrontation and even social conflagration. As spring turns to summer the volume keeps ratcheting up.

 

"Terror," the anthropologist Arjun Appadurai writes in his book Fear of Small Numbers, "is first of all the terror of the next attack." The terrorism resides not just in the fact that it happens, but that one is braced for the possibility that it could happen to you at any moment. Seven children and teenagers are shot on an average day in the US. I have just finished writing a book in which I take a random day and interview the families and friends of those who perished. Ten young people died the day I chose. Eight were black. All of the black parents said they had assumed this could happen to their son.

 

As one bereaved dad told me: "You wouldn't be doing your job as a father if you didn't."

 

.
Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")

Pl visit On : 
https://jansanskaran.wordpress.com, 
https://www.facebook.com/DalitsMediaWatch
 
...................................................................
Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre- PMARC has been initiated with the support from group of senior journalists, social activists, academics and  intellectuals from Dalit and civil society to advocate and facilitate Dalits issues in the mainstream media. To create proper & adequate space with the Dalit perspective in the mainstream media national/ International on Dalit issues is primary objective of the PMARC.

জীবনযাত্রার ব্যয় বেড়েছে অনেক বেশি,ক্ষুদ্র জনগোষ্ঠী নিম্ন আয়ের বেড়াজালে ,আয়-বৈষম্য বেড়েই চলছে

জীবনযাত্রার ব্যয় বেড়েছে অনেক বেশি,ক্ষুদ্র জনগোষ্ঠী নিম্ন আয়ের বেড়াজালে ,আয়-বৈষম্য বেড়েই চলছে
সাইফুল্লাহ মনসুর <sanapoti1@gmail.com>

২০১৫-১৬ অর্থবছরের বাজেটে জিডিপি'র প্রবৃদ্ধি নির্ধারণ করা হয়েছে ৭ শতাংশ। যা ২০১৪-১৫ অর্থবছরে অর্জিত প্রবৃদ্ধির চেয়ে ০.৫২ শতাংশ বেশি। লক্ষ্যমাত্রার চেয়ে ০.৩ শতাংশ কম। প্রবৃদ্ধির এই নয়া লক্ষ্যমাত্রা খুবই পরিমিত, সংযত। এতে কোনো উচ্চাশা আছে বলে মনে হয় না। বর্তমান সরকার ক্ষমতায় আসার পর গত ৫ বছরে গড়ে প্রতিবছর জিডিপি'র প্রবৃদ্ধি অর্জিত হয়েছে ৬.২ শতাংশ।
কিন্তু বাস্তবে দেশের প্রায় ৮৬ শতাংশ মানুষের আয় এখনো দৈনিক আড়াই ডলারের কম, যা উন্নয়নের দাবিকে অসার প্রতিপন্ন করে। ফলে রাস্তায় বিলাসবহুল গাড়ি, শহরে নতুন মাল্টিপ্লেক্স বা উচ্চ অট্টালিকা এসব দৃশ্যের বিস্তার ঘটলেও অধিকাংশ মানুষই নিম্ন আয়ের বেড়াজালে আটকে আছে। প্রাপ্ত তথ্যে জানা গেছে, এখনো নিম্ন আয়ের মধ্যে আটকে আছে দেশের প্রায় ৮৬ শতাংশ বা ১৭ কোটি ২০ লাখ মানুষ। যাদের দৈনিক ক্রয়ক্ষমতা ২ দশমিক ৫০ ডলার বা ২০০ টাকার নিচে।
মূলত, বাংলাদেশের চলমান অর্থনীতির মূল সুফলভোগী ধনীরা। ধনীরা দ্রুতগতিতে সম্পদ বাড়াচ্ছে ফলে আয়-বৈষম্য বেড়েই চলেছে। কোনো রকমে খড়কুটো ধরে বেঁচে থাকার মতো অবস্থা দরিদ্র মানুষগুলোর। 
২০১৪-১৫ অর্থবছরে দেশের উচ্চবিত্তদের একটি হিসাব করেছে জাতীয় রাজস্ব বোর্ড (এনবিআর)। সেখানেও দেখা যায়, দেশের মোট সম্পদের বেশির ভাগের মালিক মাত্র দশমিক শূন্য ৩ শতাংশ মানুষ। তাদের বার্ষিক আয় ৪৪ লাখ ২০ হাজার টাকার উপর। এসব ব্যক্তির সম্পদ আছে কোটি টাকার বেশি। এদের মধ্যে অনেকেই আবার শত কোটি থেকে সহস্রাধিক কোটি টাকার মালিক।
এরাই দেশের অর্থনীতির মূল সুবিধাভোগী। অবকাঠামো নির্মাণ থেকে শুরু করে সব সুবিধা কাজে লাগিয়ে সম্পদ সৃষ্টি করছে ধনী শ্রেণীটি। কারণ সরকারের সুবিধা ভোগ করার মতো সব ধরনের ক্ষমতা তাদেরই রয়েছে। এটাই তাদের সম্পদ বহুগুণে বাড়িয়ে দিচ্ছে।
সমাজে ব্যাপক আয়-বৈষম্য বিরাজ করছে। কিন্তু এ সম্পর্কিত যে তথ্য পাওয়া যাচ্ছে, তা বাস্তবের তুলনায় কম। কারণ অতি ধনীরা তথ্য দেয় না। অর্থনৈতিক প্রবৃদ্ধি থেকে উচ্চবিত্তরা ও ধনীরা বেশি লাভবান হচ্ছে। 
১৯৭০ সালের পাকিস্তানে ২২টি কোটিপতি পরিবারের কথা বলা হতো, যারা রাষ্ট্রের প্রত্যক্ষ পৃষ্ঠপোষকতায় পাকিস্তানের শিল্প-বাণিজ্যে আধিপত্য বিস্তার করেছিল। ওই ২২ পরিবারের মধ্যে দুটো পরিবার ছিল পূর্ব-পাকিস্তানের, তা-ও একটি ছিল অবাঙালি। ওই বাংলাদেশেই ২০১২ সালে বাংলাদেশ ব্যাংকের হিসাব মুতাবিক ২৩ হাজার ২১২ জন কোটিপতি ছিল। আর ২০১৫ সালে তারা ওই সংখ্যা ৫০ হাজার অতিক্রম করেছে। 
কেন্দ্রীয় ব্যাংক কর্তৃপক্ষ কোটিপতির এহেন প্রবৃদ্ধির হারকে কৃতিত্বপূর্ণ সাফল্য মনে করতে পারে, কিন্তু এর মাধ্যমে দেশের অর্থনৈতিক প্রবৃদ্ধির সুফল যে এই ক্ষুদ্র জনগোষ্ঠীর কাছে গিয়ে পুঞ্জীভূত হয়ে যাওয়ার বিপদসংকেত পাওয়া যাচ্ছে, সে ব্যাপারে ক্ষমতাসীনদের কি কোনো করণীয় নেই?
সরকারি হিসাবে প্রতিবছর দারিদ্র্যের হার কমেছে। কিন্তু প্রকৃতপক্ষে দেশে দরিদ্র জনগণের সংখ্যা বেড়েছে। সরকারি দারিদ্র্যের হার নির্ণয় পদ্ধতিতেই রয়েছে গলদ। যাদের আয় দৈনিক ১ ডলারের নিচে তাদের চরম দরিদ্র হিসেবে ধরা হয় বাংলাদেশে। অথচ এ সময়ে প্রতিটি পণ্যের দাম বেড়েছে। জাতিসংঘ পর্যন্ত এখন ডলারের হিসাবে নয়, মাথাপিছু ক্যালরি গ্রহণকে দারিদ্র্য পরিমাপের একক হিসেবে বিবেচনা করছে। বলা হচ্ছে, এ হিসাব অনুযায়ী দেশে ৩৬ শতাংশ মানুষ দারিদ্র্যসীমার নিচে বাস করে। কিন্তু এ হিসেবেও প্রকৃত সংখ্যা ৫০ শতাংশেরও বেশি হবে। 
উল্লেখ্য, বর্তমান উচ্চ দ্রব্যমূল্যের বাজারে ১ ডলার দিয়ে একজন মানুষ তার দৈনিক চাহিদা মেটাতে পারছে না। যারা এক ডলারের হিসাবে তুষ্ট আছে তারা মিলিয়ে দিতে পারবে না এ হিসাব। ১ ডলার বাংলাদেশী ৭৭ টাকা। বর্তমান উচ্চ দ্রব্যমূল্যের বাজারে একজন ব্যক্তি এ টাকা দিয়ে দু'বেলা খাবারেরই চাহিদা মেটাতে পারে না। যেখানে ১ কেজি মোটা চালের দাম সর্বনিম্ন ৪০ টাকা। আর খাদ্য ছাড়াও রয়েছে বাসস্থান, শিক্ষা, স্বাস্থ্য ইত্যাদি মৌলিক চাহিদা/অধিকারের বিষয়।
অপরদিকে মাথাপিছু আয় বাড়লেও মানুষের প্রকৃত আয় না বেড়ে, বরং কমেছে। মাথাপিছু আয় বৃদ্ধির তুলনায় জীবনযাত্রার ব্যয় বেড়েছে অনেক বেশি। গত পাঁচ বছরে মানুষের প্রকৃত আয় কমেছে ৩৫ থেকে ৪০ শতাংশ।
'চরম দারিদ্র্য' নিয়ে যে আন্তর্জাতিক সংজ্ঞা নিরূপণ করা হয়, সেটা হলো- বিশ্বের দরিদ্রতম দেশগুলোর দারিদ্র্যসীমার গড়ের আপেক্ষিক দারিদ্র্যমাত্রা, যা অত্যন্ত কম। অর্থাৎ দৈনিক আয় ১.২৫ ডলারের উপরে উঠার অর্থ কোনোভাবেই দারিদ্র্যমুক্তি নয়। বরং সেটা হলো আগের তুলনায় অপেক্ষাকৃত কম দরিদ্রের অবস্থায় যাওয়া। যদিও ২০৩০ সালের মধ্যে দৈনিক ১.২৫ ডলার মানদ-ে বাংলাদেশ ২.৪ শতাংশ দারিদ্র্য কমিয়ে আনতে পারলে তখন তা সরকারের পক্ষ থেকে প্রচার করা হবে বিরাট ঐতিহাসিক অর্জন। কিন্তু সেটা অর্জন করতে সক্ষম হলেও দেশের অর্ধেকের বেশি মানুষের দৈনিক আয় থাকবে ৪ ডলারের কম।
অপরদিকে বর্তমান সরকারের তরফ থেকে মাথাপিছু আয় ১ হাজার ৪৫ ডলারের মাধ্যমে মধ্যম আয়ের দেশে পৌঁছে যাওয়ার যে কথা বলা হচ্ছে; সেটি আসলে নিম্ন-মধ্যম আয়ের দেশ ছাড়া কিছুই নয়।
কিন্তু আমরা মনে করি, সুষ্ঠু পরিকল্পনা এবং স্বচ্ছ ও সৎ অর্থনীতির মাধ্যমে ২০২১ সাল নয়; মাত্র ১ থেকে ২ বছরের মধ্যেই বাংলাদেশকে মধ্যম আয়ের দেশে নয়; বরং পৃথিবীর শীর্ষ ধনী দেশে পরিণত করা সম্ভব। ইনশাআল্লাহ!

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