Troubled galaxy Destroyed Dreams- 478
Palash Biswas
RSS is trying its best to relaunch the Notorious ram mandir Movement once again to dislodge UPA and grab Power to encash Global Hindutva zionist. They have got a Favourable Tool shaped in Mayawati, the Dalit Queen who knows Nothing about BR Ambedkar but the slogan of Power Sharing!A few stronger SC, ST or OBC or Minority Castes and Communities Co Opted, the Brahmins have a Cake Walk to get everything in the Free Market Democracy governed by India Incs,MNCs and LPG Mafia thanks to Poona Pact which ensured Brahamin Bania Corporate Raj Infinite!
This is no news
Livemint - Santosh Desai - 4 days ago
The stories of people like the English speaking 11-year-old Dalit, Hitendra, who is proud of Mayawati and wants to be a doctor, or the strangely joyous ...-
India in uproar over decision to include caste in national census
Independent - Andrew Buncombe - 5 days ago
Kumari Mayawati, the so-called Dalit Queen who heads the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), has four times ridden to the position of chief minister of India's most ... Court pulls up Maharashtra for not levying tax on IPL
Gaea Times (blog) - 26 Apr 2010... asked Maharashtra Navnirman Sena's (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray and four of ... in Lucknow dedicated to Dalit icon BR Ambedkar and Chief Minister Mayawati. ...Mumbai motormen call off strike
Indian Express - 4 May 2010The very fact that they are unable to sack Raja of DMK playing on Dalit's card like the one played by Dinakaran,Balkrishnan,Butta Sing Mayawati,Lallo ...
RSS has not learnt anything from recent Flopshow as Brahmins DISOWNED its BRAHMIN JATI Party BJP to Manipulate Mandate for Economic Reforms. RSS loads Hindutva Power behind Chettiyar Chidambaram to defend Salwa Judum while Global Zionism has got Nuclear Alliance with the zionsit Dynasty supported by the Marxists very well as Trade Union Movement and any kind of Mass Movement or Public Resistance remain Absent in Ideological FARCE in Free Market Democracy. Despite Salwa Judum, RSS has no chance to win over Sensex India as Pranab, Montek, Nilekani, Chidambaram, Kapil, Manmohan Brigade implements Economic Ethnic Cleansing Agenda with Surgical Precision under Rothschild`s Plan and RSS has no Role in Manusmriti Apartheid Rule except Floor Adjustment with the Marxist to bypass the Parliament, dupe the Enslaved People and Kill the Constitution!
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GLOBAL HINDUTVA IN 21ST CENTURY AND RASHTRIYA SWAYAMSEVAK SANGH
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Mayawati as Next Prime Minister is also a Grand Flop show as Lalu Mulayam Paswan Mamata Jaylalita Karunanidhi shows have been!
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) national secretary Varun Gandhi said here Wednesday that the statues of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati would be replaced with those of Lord Rama if the party came to power in the state after 2012 assembly elections.
Ram Mandir issue rears its head once again, albeit with a high dose of drama. Saffron forces set for a relaunch are eager to hit the road after Congressmen, currently on the roll, park their chariots. However, the parivar has opted for a brand new avatar, that of penitent and polite Munnabhai, to force a change of heart in rivals including MPs and MLAs over long-pending `mandir nirman' in Ayodhya.
U.P. Chief Minister Mayawati's three years in power: Reign marred ...
13 May 2010 ... Articles covering Raj Thackeray 's Politics ... But hundreds of Dalit labourers working on Mayawati's dream projects supported these ...
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11 Apr 2010 ... Mayawati should have welcomed RTE: Udit Raj ... a Dalit leader on Saturday said she should have rather been among the first to welcome it. ...
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8 Mar 2009 ... "Mayawati, who claims to be the custodian of Dalit rights, ... Related Topics. Mayawati. more ». National Dalit Front. more ». Udit Raj ...
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10 Apr 2010 ... Dalits slam Uttar Pradesh CM, Mayawati - India news, ... On Mayawati asking the Centre to bear the entire expenses, Raj said she could have ...
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... Banias and Thakurs with shoes) and "Vote hamara raj tumhara nahin chalega" .... This has been one of the major grievances of dalits against Mayawati. ...
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10 Apr 2010 ... On Mayawati asking the Centre to bear the entire expenses, Raj said she could ... the act though it would benefit Dalits the most," he said, ...
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'We are determined to replace the statues of Mayawati and install statues of Lord Rama at those places,' Gandhi told a gathering organised here to welcome the newly elected state BJP chief Surya Pratap Shahi.
'After several years, there appears a ray of hope. We are confident we would be voted to power under the leadership of our newly elected state chief,' he added.
Gandhi accused Mayawati of targeting BJP activists for being vocal against her anti-people policies.
'Once we come to power, those harassing us will definitely have to face action for their ill-deeds,' Gandhi said.
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has convened a meeting of its central managing committee July 12 in Ayodhya to restart the Ram Mandir movement.
The outcome of the meeting will "decide the future course of action to pave the way to build a temple at the birthplace of Lord Ram. Almost 60 per cent of the construction material is ready to built a two-storeyed temple," Vinod Bansal, media coordinator of VHP, said Saturday.
The meeting takes special significance as it will be held in Ayodhya after 18 years. It was last held a few months before the December 1992 Babri Masjid demolition.
'Gau' (cow), Ganga and the government's acquisition of temples will also be discussed.
In Lucknow, VHP general secretary Praveen Togadia announced to launch a nation-wide campaign against the Congress-led central government that is planning quota for the minorities in jobs and educational institutions.
"The central government's plan to provide reservation benefits to Muslims and Christians is unconstitutional. We would launch a campaign in this regard after June," Togadia told reporters at a press conference.
"The campaign against the central government would be carried out at three levels," he said.
"Initially, we will garner support from students in colleges and universities. Thereafter, we will solicit support from the unemployed and finally we will bring all Hindu castes on a common platform for voicing objection against the quota for the minorities," Togadia added.
Demanding to quash the Ranganath Mishra Commission report straightaway, Togadia said the report would pave the way for separatism in the country.
Accusing the Congress government of appeasing the minorities, Togadia alleged: "It is due to vote-bank politics only that the hanging of parliament attack convict Afzal Guru is yet to take place. Taking this into account, I feel P. Chidambaram is just not fit to be a minister."
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"We have instances in past where career politicians like Narasimha Rao abandoned party line to fulfil a commitment dictated by conscience. Moreover, if Parliament could pass legislation for taking over the control of Somnath temple, why can't it clears construction of Ram temple in the Ram Nagri,'' he asked.
Even though saffron satraps rule out any connection, the Yatra's timing has given it a different colour -- judgment in the Ayodhya title suit is round the corner. If the judgment comes out in their favour, the Yatra could turn into a victory march. And if it is against, then it could acquire the character of a show of strength, sources confided claiming it was a calculated and well-planned move to regain the lost ground.
As always, not sure of public reception, the parivar once again plans to use seers as cover. The three-month movement will be spearheaded by senior sants, among them head of Akhil Bharatiya Akhada Parishad Mahant Gyandas. In fact, the blueprint has been prepared keeping to the guidelines decided by the saints in Haridwar Kumbh. And a `Ram Janamabhoomi Mandir Nirman Sant Ucchadhikar Samiti' will be leading the way, Singh pointed out.
If the tactic fails, next plan of action entails invoking divine intervention. The Yatra will organise Hanuman Chalisa recital at every khand and shakha. The number of recitals will vary from 11 to 101 depending upon the intensity of the response, a senior prachark told TOI. The recital, he said, would prove to be a major draw and have high degree of public participation. Ninety percent of Hindu adults can recite Hanuman Chalisa and unlike others the recital will last a few minutes, so it will be a sure hit, he said.
The all-India campaign, he said, will have UP as the centre. Therefore, all the star pracharaks will be leading the show here.
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Ready to support anyone for Ram temple, says Kalyan Singh
Agra/New Delhi: Trying to prove to be close with lord Ram, Former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Kalyan Singh has pledged once again to build Ram Mandir in Ayodhya.
Interacting with reporters, Kalyan affirmed that he is ready to support to anyone who take the initiative to accomplish the project. He blamed Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) over involving in the corrupt practices to divide the society on caste lines.
Seeking once again his entry to BJP, Kalyan supported the caste based census by saying that it would be helpful for the government to take welfare schemes.
Favouring a caste-based census, former BJP leader and Jan Kranti Party chief Kalyan Singh has said it would bring about "revolutionary changes" in national politics.
The caste-based census would change the policies and strategies of political parties as well as governments, Singh told reporters here last night.
Attacking both the BSP and the SP for "patronising" criminals, former Uttar Pradesh chief minister alleged that half of the legislators in the two parties had "shady" character.
Demanding derecognition of political parties having criminal elements, Singh termed as a "farce" BSP's drive to clean up the party of criminals.
He also described the Samajwadi Party as a "party of criminals".
Dubbing BJP as a "party of capitalists", Singh ruled out rejoining the party.
Mayawati
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Mayawati | |||
| | |||
| Incumbent | |||
| Assumed office 13 May 2007 | |||
| Preceded by | Mulayam Singh Yadav | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| In office 3 May 2002 – 29 August 2003 | |||
| Preceded by | President's rule | ||
| Succeeded by | Mulayam Singh Yadav | ||
| In office 21 March 1997 – 21 September 1997 | |||
| Preceded by | President's rule | ||
| Succeeded by | Kalyan Singh | ||
| In office 3 June 1995 – 18 October 1995 | |||
| Preceded by | Mulayam Singh Yadav | ||
| Succeeded by | President's rule | ||
| | |||
| Born | 15 January 1956 (1956-01-15) New Delhi | ||
| Political party | Bahujan Samaj Party | ||
| Spouse(s) | Unmarried | ||
| Occupation | Politician | ||
Kumari Mayawati (Hindi: कुमारी मायावती) (born 15 January 1956) is an Indian politician. She is the current Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state[2][3]. It is her fourth term in this office, after three short tenures between 1995 and 2003. Her supporters refer to her as Behen Ji, which means sister.[4]. At the age of 39, the unmarried Mayawati was the youngest politician to become the chief minister in Uttar Pradesh[4]. As the first Dalit woman chief minister of any Indian state after centuries of oppression by the Hindu upper castes, Kumari Mayawati is an icon for millions of India's Dalits.[4]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Early life
Mayawati was born in Delhi into the scheduled caste Hindu Jatav subcaste of the Chamar community to Ram Rati and Prabhu Das. Prabhu Das, her father, worked as a clerk in the telecommunications department. Mayawati graduated from Kalindi College of the University of Delhi and holds bachelor's degrees in Law and Education. She worked as a teacher in Delhi (Inderpuri JJ Colony). In 1977, Dalit politician Kanshi Ram became very influential in her life resulting in her joining his core team when he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. Shortly after, she changed her career path and entered politics full time.
[edit] Political career
In 1982 Kanshi Ram founded the BSP as a party to represent the Buddhists and Dalits. Mayawati was a key member of this organization. BSP fielded Mayawati for its first election campaign from the Kairana Lok Sabha (Lower House) seat in the Muzaffarnagar district in 1984, and then again for the Lok Sabha seats of Bijnor in 1985 and Haridwar in 1989.[5]
Although BSP did not win, the electoral experience led to considerable activity for Mayawati over the next five years, as she worked with Mahsood Ahmed and other organizers. In the 1989 election, the party won 9% of the popular vote and 13 seats. It won 11 seats in the 1991 election. Because the Dalits are widely spread over the state, Kanshi Ram and Mayawati then adopted a policy of attracting other groups, which continues today.
Mayawati won for the first time in the Lok Sabha elections of 1989 from Bijnor. In 1995, while a member of the Rajya Sabha (Upper House), she became a Chief Minister in a short-lived coalition government, and validated her position by winning from two constituencies in 1996. She was again Chief Minister for a short period in 1997, and then for a somewhat longer term in coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party from 2002 to 2003. Before that in 2001 her mentor, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) president Kanshi Ram named her as his successor.
[edit] 2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections
Contrary to some poll predictions, BSP won a majority in the 2007 elections, the first such majority since 1991. Mayawati managed to attract support from Brahmins, Thakurs, Muslims and OBCs. These people voted for a Dalit party for the first time, partly because BSP had offered seats to people from these communities. The campaign was accompanied by a colorful slogan: Haathi nahin, Ganesh hain, Brahma, Vishnu Mahesh Hain: "The elephant (BSP Logo) is really the Lord Ganesha, the trinity of gods rolled into one".
[edit] Chief Minister, 2009
Mayawati was sworn in as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the fourth time on 13 May 2007. She announced an agenda that focused on providing social justice to the weaker sections and providing employment instead of distributing money to the unemployed. Her slogan is to make "Uttar Pradesh" ("Northern Province") into "Uttam Pradesh" ("Excellent Province").
In 2007 Mayawati's government began a major crackdown on irregularities in the recruitment process of police officers recruited during the previous Mulayam Singh government. So far 17,868 policemen have lost their jobs for irregularities in the recruitment process and 25 IPS officers were suspended for their involvement in corruption while recruiting the police constables.[6][7] Mayawati is instituting reforms to introduce transparency into the recruiting process, including posting results of selection exams online.[8]
As part of her social reform plans she advocates reservation for the poor among upper castes in addition to reservation for weaker sections of society. Reservation in India is a system whereby a percentage of government positions are reserved for persons in backward classes and scheduled castes and tribes.[9]
[edit] 2009 parliamentary elections
Mayawati's BSP did not meet expectations in the 2009 general elections. The BSP, which was expected to win more than 35 seats in Lok Sabha from the state of Uttar Pradesh, succeeded in winning only 20 seats. The BSP obtained the highest percentage (27. 42%) of votes in Uttar Pradesh for any one political party. It was in third position in terms of national polling percentage (6. 17%).[10].
[edit] Controversies
 | This article or section may be slanted towards recent events. Please try to keep recent events in historical perspective. (May 2010) |
[edit] Statues
In her tenures as a Chief Minister, Mayawati erected number of statues of Buddhist and Dalit icons like Bhimrao Ambedkar, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Gautam Buddha, BSP founder Kanshi Ram and of herself [11]. The statues and the memorial parks in which they are erected are said to have cost the state Rs. 2000 Crore.[12] The Supreme Court of India admitted a Public Interest Litigation questioning this expenditure. She maintains that the statues are symbols of Dalit assertion and the expenditure was required because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit icons in whose memory nothing was ever built.[13] In February 2010, Mayawati's government approved a plan for a special police force to protect the statues. She feared that her political opponents might demolish the statues.[14] Desecration of statues of Dalit icon Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar is common in all parts of India.[15][16][17][18]
[edit] Birthday gifts
Mayawati's past birthdays have been major media events where she appeared laden with diamonds.[4] Her birthday is being observed as Jan Kalyankari Diwas (People's Welfare Day). As of 2010, her birthday will be marked by the announcement of programmes for the welfare of the poor and downtrodden people of the state, said a press release.[19] On her recent birthday Mayawati launched various welfare schemes to the tune of over Rs 7,312 crores.[20]
[edit] Disproportionate assets case
Her critics allege that despite her modest origins, she owns properties worth millions of dollars.[4] In 2007-08 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax of Rupees 26 crores, ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI had filed a case against her for owning assets disproportionate to her known sources of income. Her party asserts that her income comes as gifts and small contributions from party workers and supporters.[21][22]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ UP CMs & their terms. Retrieved on 30 March 2007.
- ^ "Mayawati in Newsweek's top woman achievers' list". http://ibnlive.in.com/news/mayawati-in--newsweeks-top-woman-achievers-list/50591-3.html.
- ^ "Mayawati is India's anti-Obama: Newsweek". http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/4427506.cms.
- ^ a b c d e "Profile: Mayawati Kumari". news.bbc.co.uk. 16 July 2009. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1958378.stm. Retrieved May 2, 2010.
- ^ "Profile of Mayawati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh". Official UP Government Release. http://upgov.nic.in/upinfo/cm_profile_blue%20latest.htm.
- ^ "Uttar Pradesh police recruitment scam". News Track India. 2007-10-01. http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/1036. Retrieved 2008-06-26.
- ^ "12 Uttar Pradesh cops suspended, new recruits lose jobs". www.monstersandcritics.com. September 11, 2007. http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/india/news/article_1354536.php/12_Uttar_Pradesh_cops_suspended_new_recruits_lose_jobs. Retrieved April 30, 2010.
- ^ Kanchan Gupta (April 10, 2010). "To fight Maoists, reform police". www.dailypioneer.com. http://www.dailypioneer.com/248224/To-fight-Maoists-reform-police.html. Retrieved April 30, 2010.
- ^ Mayawati promises justice for all
- ^ http://eci.nic.in/results/frmPercentVotesPartyWiseChart. aspx
- ^ Rajiv Ranjan Jha (25 May 2005). "Mayawati adds another 100 feet to her stature". Times of India.. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1120843.cms. Retrieved 2007-05-13.
- ^ "Mayawati gets statue-tory warning from SC - Politics - ibnlive". Ibnlive.in.com. 2010-02-03. http://ibnlive.in.com/news/mayawati-gets-statuetory-warning-from-sc/95951-37.html. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ memorials-will-not-cost-any-more-money-says-mayawati
- ^ "India minister Mayawati police squad for statues". BBC News. 2010-02-05. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8499673.stm. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ Monica Chadha (5 December 2006). "Despair of the discriminated Dalits". bbc.co.uk. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6211532.stm.
- ^ "Desecration of Ambedkar statue triggers protests in Uttar Pradesh". Thaindian.com. 2009-02-13. http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/uncategorized/desecration-of-ambedkar-statue-triggers-protests-in-uttar-pradesh_100154520.html. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ "Protests in Ghaziabad over damage to Ambedkar statue". Thaindian.com. 2010-01-25. http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/uncategorized/protests-in-ghaziabad-over-damage-to-ambedkar-statue_100309230.html. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ "Ambedkar statue desecrated, tension in Chhattisgarh village". Thaindian.com. http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/uncategorized/ambedkar-statue-desecrated-tension-in-chhattisgarh-village_10063352.html. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ "Mayawati to celebrate birthday as 'People's Welfare Day'". www.thaindian.com. December 29, 2009. http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/politics/mayawati-to-celebrate-birthday-as-peoples-welfare-day_100296330.html. Retrieved April 29, 2010.
- ^ PTI (2010-01-15). "The Hindu : States / Other States : Mayawati launches welfare schemes on birthday". Beta.thehindu.com. http://beta.thehindu.com/news/states/other-states/article80662.ece. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ Pradeep Thakur, TNN, Aug 3, 2008, 12.22am IST (2008-08-03). "Mayawati, Shah Rukh among top taxpayers - India - The Times of India". Timesofindia.indiatimes.com. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Mayawati_SRK_top_taxpayers_list/articleshow/3319521.cms. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
- ^ PTI, Mar 17, 2010, 12.40pm IST (2010-03-17). "Defiant Mayawati felicitated with another cash garland - India - The Times of India". Timesofindia.indiatimes.com. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Defiant-Mayawati-felicitated-with-another-cash-garland/articleshow/5693422.cms. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
[edit] External links
[edit] Timeline
| Political offices | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav | Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh 13 June 1995 - 18 October 1995 | Succeeded by President's Rule Administered by the Governor of Uttar Pradesh, Motilal Vora 18 October 1995 - 3 May 1996 Mohammad Shafi Qureshi 3 May 1996 - 19 July 1996 Romesh Bhandari 19 July 1996 - 21 March 1997 title/post subsequently held by- Mayawati | |||
| Preceded by President's Rule Administered by the Governor of Uttar Pradesh, Motilal Vora 18 October 1995 - 3 May 1996 Mohammad Shafi Qureshi 3 May 1996 - 19 July 1996 Romesh Bhandari 19 July 1996 - 21 March 1997 title/post previously held by- Mayawati | Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh 21 March 1997 - 21 September 1997 | Succeeded by Kalyan Singh | |||
| Preceded by President's Rule Administered by the Governor of Uttar Pradesh, V K Shastri title/post previously held by- Rajnath Singh | Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh 3 May 2002 - 29 August 2003 | Succeeded by Mulayam Singh Yadav | |||
| Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav | Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh 13 May 2007 - Present | Succeeded by Incumbent | |||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Persondata | |
|---|---|
| NAME | Mayawati |
| ALTERNATIVE NAMES | |
| SHORT DESCRIPTION | Politician |
| DATE OF BIRTH | 1956-01-15 |
| PLACE OF BIRTH | New Delhi |
| DATE OF DEATH | |
| PLACE OF DEATH | |
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) condemns the cowardly attack in Chingavaram by the Maoists that killed 35 persons including 11 civilians in Chhattisgargh state on 17 May 2010. It is reported that a bus in which the victims were traveling along the Dantewada-Sukhma road hit an Improvised Explosive Device (IEV) believed to be planted by the Maoists resulting in this heavy death toll. 27 persons are reported to be seriously injured in the incident and are receiving treatment. The exact number of persons killed and injured in the incident is yet to be confirmed.
It is reported that immediately after the explosion, the Maoists fired indiscriminately at the injured and at those who tried to escape. The use of IEDs similar to landmines in circumstances as reported in Chingavaram is prohibited under the Second Protocol to the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects. The incident also violates Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, a law that applies to non-international armed conflicts and to extremist groups like the Maoists and Naxalites in India.
The magnitude of the problem, its root causes and the development paradigm:
It is estimated that 156 districts in 15 states face 'threats' from armed movements with the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh the worst affected.
In a press statement released today, AHRC said that today the Maoist and Naxalite movements in the country have evolved into an armed and rebelling group, well organised and fighting locally against the 'state'. Though the theory and practice of these movements are questionable, they liberally exploit the anger and frustration from decades of neglect and oppression of the rural populacein India, particularly the tribal communities. Parallels of this form of emotional exploitation can be drawn also to the insurgent activities in the north-eastern states in India.
The Maoist and Naxalite movements in the country are mostly rooted in the government's failure to guarantee the basic norms of a democratic state to a large section of the country's population, particularly in rural regions and remote villages. This explains why these parallel extremistmovements are mainly spread across the remotest villages in the country.
Many such villages are home to various tribal groups. These communities depend upon forest and agricultural produce for their survival. Owing to negligent government policies and the drasticexploitation of natural and forest resources, with complete disregard for the population that depended upon these products for hundreds of generations, large sections of the rural population have lost both their habitat and livelihood options.
Many tribal communities are on the verge of extinction and the government is in no mood to listen or dialogue as evidenced in the recent attack upon the Anti-POSCO movement in Orissa. Voices of protest, and requests by the native population for consultations withthe government, have faced not just rejection but stiff oppression. The situation is also plentifully exploited by the extremist movements as evidenced in the events prior to the police assault on the Anti-POSCO protesters. It is reported that minutes before the police charging upon the protesters, shots fired and country bombs hurled at the police.
The government policy on mining is spelled out in the National Mining Policy released in April, 2008. The policy aims at boosting national development through mining and disregards completely the concerns and welfare of the original inhabitants of the land. Accepting tenders from corporations with deplorable records and supporting their activities using state resources stands proof tothe government's lack of commitment to the people.
Left with no means to survive and their original habitats rapidly being depleted, the rural populations in the country have become more vulnerable toexploitation by landlords and corrupt politicians. Exploitation often takes the shape of bonded labour, a practice criminalised in laws that are hardly enforced. Police and other state agencies, like the forest department, are easily bought over by landlords owing to the widespread corruption in the system. In frustration, the oppressed populations fall prey to extremist ideologies like those promoted and professed by the Maoists and the Naxalites, finding in them a means of fighting back to regain dignity at the very minimum. Such fights, of varying intensity, have spread to an alarmingly large area of the country. Unfortunately,the government response has been equally violent, resulting in murders and widespread loss of property. The legal and moral question the government must answer is can development be forced upon a population?
Exploitation of violence:
Lopsided, religiously coloured and politically motivated defence tactics - like the formation of the 'Salwa Judum'- have resulted either in standoffs between government-backed forces like the Judum and the extremists or in combat, in which lives are lost on both sides. In some parts of the country, the Judum has replaced the state and those leading the Judumare using it as a tool for oppression in the excuse of fighting extremism.
It is reported that groups like the Judum as well as the Maoists and the Naxalites are armed with weapons that cannot be procured from licensed arms dealers in India and for which no private licences are issued. Procuring weapons and the ammunition required for these weapons is a matter that the state as well as the central government must investigate and plug holes with immediate priority. It could be a hard task since even some parliamentarians and other local political leaders in the extremist affected regions employ private militiamen and armed private guards who brandish imported unlicensedweapons. Any attempt to unarm these private armies will be sabotaged by the local politicians.
At the core of this is an important question regarding the quality of law enforcement in the country. The Maoists and Naxalites are only exploiting the failure of an important state apparatus, the local police.
An equally worrying factor is the recruitment of tribal youth as members of the village defence forces. On the periphery, volunteering to become a member of the village defence force is a mere gesture to assist the state in combating violence. However the constitution of the village defence force has deeper implications. Often becoming a member of the village defence force is not a matter of choice, but an issue of survival for the tribal youth.
The extremist groups force the tribal youth to join their cadres accusing those who refuse as state agents. Incidents are common where those who refused to take up arms are murdered; or their houses burned, dispossessed of their livestock and forced to flee from the villages. On the other hand the state agencies, in particular the state police, seek information from the members of the tribal communities and once again those who refuse to cooperate are accused as Maoist or Naxalite cadres and are arbitrarily detained, tortured and even executed. Such murders are whitewashed as 'encounter killings', a convenient euphemism used by the state agencies for murdering civilians and circumventing the due process of law in the excuse of combating violence. Caught between these two opposing and equally violent forces, the unemployed tribal youth finds the government's offer as a means of employment and a source of security.
The very concept of village defence force defies accepted norms of state responsibility to offer protection and security to the life andproperty of the citizens. The members of the village defence force are given inadequate combat training; they are not considered as the employees of the state and their acts, irrespective of its nature, are offered implied impunity. This unique position exposes the members of the village defence force toexploitation to carry out the 'dirty work' for the state agencies. Many tribal youth are recruited with the false promise, that after the operation, they would be inducted to the state police. On these grounds the recruitment and deployment of the village defence force have no higher morale or legitimacy than the recruitment strategies used by the Maoists and Naxalites.
In the fights between the state and the extremists atrocities have been committed by both sides, as would be the case in any unregulated war where might and connivance make right. Hundreds of policemen have lost their lives or been seriously injured in these wars; a similar number of extremists have also been killed or injured. This is in addition to the large number of innocent persons killed by both sides because of mere accusations and suspicion.
Worst of all is the number of innocent persons killed in fake 'encounter killings' organised by the state agencies. Men and women are almost daily arrested, tortured and killed by state agencies in the name of fighting extremism. Such murders are in no way different from those carried out by the extremist groups. They are equally coldblooded and criminal. However, so far not a single such case has been investigated or the perpetrators punished.
Encounter killings and the use of torture defy the basic premise of democracy and it negates the fundamentals of fair trial. Encounter killings violate India's legally binding obligations as mandated in the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, an international document to which India is a party. By all means encounter killings have no place of acceptance within the existing legal framework in the country. The National Human Rights Commission of India has repeatedly required state agencies to conduct independent investigations and video document the autopsy of victims of encounter killings and file reports on each incident to the Commission. Though a rule sought to be enforced by the Commission, filing of these reports thus far has remained an exception.
Murder and violence cannot be justified for any reason. On that ground alone, extremist activities in the country have no moral basis, even though they would define their activity as a radical political movement, necessary to fight oppression. When murdering innocent persons and imparting fear among the populace becomes a means to political ends, the Maoist and Naxalite movement runs parallel with other terrorist organisations in the world.
The Naxalite and Maoist problem is complex. A concoction of caste issues, feudalism and lawlessness in rural India intoxicates the people, so their minds become fertile ground for extremist ideologies. The government has responded by opting principally to counter violence with violence, adding fuel to the fire. Between these two diametrically opposing forces is no middle ground, which leaves the common people no way to avoid violence.
The murder of civilians and police officers, destruction of private and government property including vital transportation links like the rail network by the Maoists and Naxalites has to be analysed and understood as part of a well calculated and executed strategy to increase state offensive. It appears that the Maoists and the Naxalites look forward more towards the state's use of aerial combat operations, an option the state has refused to initiate until today.
The continuing offer by the Union Home Minister for dialogue and a peaceful way of settling disputes with the extremists shows the intention to deal with the issue in a mature way, a democratic principle the Maoists, Naxalites and the leading opposition parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), repeatedly fails to understand. This is no surprise since the ideological framework based on violence of these two political groups runs parallel to that of the Maoists and the Naxalites.
Arbitrary violence used by the state in combating extremism will only inflate the situation, an opportunity eagerly awaited by the extremists. It will also further alienate the citizens affected by the violence from the state, an essential requirement for the extremist group to expand and sustain.
The democratic way forward:
The moral ground for the state to fight the extremist group must not be thus based on the use of counter violence. The fight against extremism must begin from a considered approach of gaining confidence of the citizens, the worst affected rural population in particular. In doing so the government must be able to prove that the country is a matured democracy and not a chaotic state of intense vested interests. One of the important steps towards this is the enactment and the prompt implementation of a national land reforms policy augmented by the revision of some of the existing laws like those limiting the rights of the tribal community to use the forest and forest produce as they did for hundreds of generations in the past.
Combating violence has to begin within government agencies. Strict action must be taken against state agents, in particular officers of the police force and the forest department, who commit crimes against innocent civilians. But so far no such action has been taken. In addition there must be a credible and transparent mechanism to listen to the grievances of people caught in the crossfire, and a policy of welcoming armed civilian combatants, including the Maoists and Naxalites, to surrender and be reintegrated into society.
The policy of using village defence force must be reviewed with inputs from civil society organisations that work with the tribal communities and the ordinary people who are affected by extremist violence. State run essential services like medical and educational facilities must be provided to the rural population and the regular functioning of these state institutions at the rural level guaranteed free from corruption and discriminatory practices like caste based discrimination.
Fundamentalist religious forces resorting to violence in the name of vigilante groups that have rooted in the extremist affected regions must be banned and actions taken against political parties that support these groups. Policies behind the industrial development programmes currently implemented and planned to be executed in the extremist affected regions must be reviewed with an intention to realistically assess the environmental as well as human impact of these programmes. The assessment must be made respecting the rights of indigenous communities that are affected by these programmes.
Until these steps are taken by the government, the Maoist and Naxalite extremism in India has the potential to flare up and burn down the democratic norms the founders of the nation promised to the future generations. The Chingavaram incident must be reviewed as an eye-opener, not an excuse to wage a full blown war.
ERRORISM
Hindutva hand T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
| The name of Abhinav Bharat once again comes up in connection with a terror attack – the Ajmer Sharif blast of 2007. |
Devendra Gupta (left) and Chandrashekhar, accused in the Ajmer shrine blast case, being produced in a court in Ajmer on May 1.
ON May 1, reviving memories of a long-forgotten terror attack, the Rajasthan Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) came up with a surprising revelation by arresting one Devendra Gupta for his alleged involvement in the Ajmer Dargah Sharif blasts of October 11, 2007. Another arrest, of Chandrashekhar, a Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) worker from Madhya Pradesh, indicated that the links were spread wider than was thought earlier.
In an interview to a television channel, ATS chief Kapil Garg pointed out the role played by Abhinav Bharat, a Hindu nationalist organisation with pre-Independence origins (not the registered public charitable trust based in Mumbai). The Pune-based organisation, in its new avatar, is managed by Himani Savarkar, a niece of Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, who is married to a nephew of the Hindu nationalist leader V.D. Savarkar. The ATS chief's claim was supported by none other than Ashwani Kumar, chief of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). Speaking to mediapersons at the sidelines of a function, he said that there was a link between the Ajmer, Mecca Masjid and Malegaon blasts. The similarity in the modus operandi and in the explosives used substantiated these claims.
Devendra Gupta apparently had links with the RSS. On the day of the blast at Ajmer, some 5,000 people had gathered for iftaar. The attack was initially attributed to the Harkat-ul-Jehad-e-Islami (HuJi) by the then Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil, who is now the Governor of Rajasthan. The Home Ministry, it was believed, had formed this premature conclusion primarily because an India-Pakistan meeting on ways to deal with terror mechanisms was due on October 22 that year. Islamist terror outfits were blamed for about one and a half years. On the basis of this belief, several people were rounded up and there were arrests, detentions and interrogations.
Muslim and secular groups in the State have demanded a fresh probe into the Ajmer blasts and a ban on the RSS. In the light of the fresh links that have emerged, groups like the Rajasthan Sadbhav Manch, the Association for Protection of Civil Rights, the Bhaichara Foundation and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind have demanded that the Jaipur serial explosions of May 2008. in which 70 people were killed, should be investigated again.
In the Ajmer dargah, when a tiffin box kept a few feet away from the main mausoleum exploded, three lives were lost and 30 persons were injured. Thankfully, the casualties were not very high. It was the brazen attempt and the nature of the attack that shocked the country; this was the first time that a prominent Sufi shrine had been targeted.
The revelations of the State ATS were further bolstered by the assertion of the State Home Minister, Shanti Dhariwal, who said that the investigating agencies had enough evidence to prove that the arrested person had links with the RSS, a claim that the organisation denied. He also said that the bomb-maker had been identified and that the centre of activity lay in Madhya Pradesh.
Devendra Gupta, it was claimed, was in touch not only with Sunil Joshi, an RSS zila pracharak, who died after the blast in October 2007, but also Sadhvi Pragya Singh, the alleged brain behind the Malegaon blasts of September 29, 2008, in which six people were killed. The blasts occurred in the month of Ramzan. In 2006, too, Malegaon was ripped apart by blasts at three different places, including a mosque-cum-graveyard where 38 people were killed and a hundred were injured. The occasion was Shab-e-Baraat and people had come to offer prayers for their dead. Three persons were then arrested from Indore. Another person arrested for the Malegaon blasts, Colonel P.S. Purohit, apparently confessed that Joshi had masterminded the dargah operation with Devendra Gupta's help.
In August 2007, two Bajrang Dal activists, Rajeev Mishra and Bhupendra Arora, were killed in Kanpur while assembling bombs.
A few months before that, blasts in the Samjhauta Express killed 68 people, all Pakistanis. No one at that time remotely suspected the hand of homegrown outfits, operating and acting in the name of Hindutva, though the Rajasthan police had noted that the pattern of the Ajmer blast resembled that of the Mecca Masjid blasts in Hyderabad. Nine people were killed in the blasts on May 18, 2007, at the 17th century Mecca Masjid and five were killed in subsequent police firing. It emerged only later in some sections of the media that there could be other possibilities. Muslim groups in Hyderabad have demanded a fresh probe.
Raising the issue at zero hour on May 6 in the Rajya Sabha, Communist Party of India (Marxist) member Brinda Karat drew the attention of the House to the recent developments that pointed to the role played by groups acting in the name of Hindutva. She said: "It is true that terror has no religion and it is equally true that terrorists taking the name of any particular religion defame the very religion in whose name they act. In the current investigations these highly condemnable anti-national acts of terror and bomb blasts in places of worship like the Sufi shrine in Ajmer or the Masjid in Hyderabad were committed by groups acting in the name of Hindutva. In these two blasts several innocent people were killed and hundreds injured.
Earlier, in the Malegaon bomb blasts in 2006 and again in 2008 in Malegaon and Modasa, groups acting in the name of Hindutva have been implicated. Recently it was reported that the RSS had expelled one of its pracharaks for his involvement following the investigations."
She expressed surprise at the way Ministers and officials linked the blasts, immediately after they occurred, to members of the Muslim community and the HuJi and the Laskhar-e-Taiba. "We know about the culpability of Huji and Lashkar in many acts of terror in this country, but when it becomes an automatic reaction to blame Muslims … for blasts, it is the gravest injustice to the community and in fact it helps terror groups operating across the border, as the credibility of our own investigation gets compromised," she said.
She stated that the arrest, torture and incarceration of 75 young Muslims in Hyderabad in 2007 and 2008 was a shameful example of prejudice and community profiling. She called upon the House to join her in demanding compensation for them. Simultaneously, she also demanded a fresh probe into the Mecca Masjid blasts in the light of new evidence of links with the Ajmer Sharif blasts. She demanded that the government institute an inquiry into the network of groups, operating in different parts of the country, that had committed acts of terror in the name of Hindutva.
She called upon the House to condemn "politics that produces persons who commit such acts, the politics of communal hatred, the targeting of Muslims, the false propaganda and the distortions of history".
In a separate statement, the CPI(M) said: "The arrest of three persons in the Ajmer Sharief Dargah blasts of 2007 has revealed the role of Hindutva extremist elements in this terrorist attack. One of those arrested is reported to be a member of the RSS. These elements are linked to the group which conducted the Malegaon blasts in Maharashtra. The enquiries point to the involvement of the same elements in the Mecca Masjid blast in Hyderabad." It also highlighted how after the Mecca Masjid bomb blast a number of Muslim youth were rounded up and kept in detention and tortured for weeks; 26 of them were charge-sheeted and kept in prison for seven months.
The general bias against Muslims in police investigations into terrorist attacks was disturbing, the party said. It also called upon the Andhra Pradesh government and the CBI to compensate suitably all those arrested and detained in the Hyderabad blast case.
Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari called for a "a holistic investigation to discern the linkages of Abhinav Bharat and the position of Abhinav Bharat in the larger Sangh Parivar". He also said that it was disturbing that the name of this organisation was repeatedly coming up in various blast-related investigations.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100604271113000.htmCPI (M) seeks full probe in Hindutva violenceThe Hindu - May 7, 2010 Following the arrest of three persons allegedly linked to Hindutva organisations, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has sought a comprehensive probe ... Bring other 26/11 accused to justice: CPI(M)The Hindu - May 7, 2010 PTI The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Friday expressed satisfaction at the conviction of Pakistani terrorist Ajmal Kasab in the Mumbai attacks case ... CPI(M) demands removal of Telecom Minister RajaDeccan Herald - May 7, 2010 The CPI(M) on Friday demanded removal of Telecom Minister A Raja and thorough probe into the 2G spectrum allocation scandal. The Central Committee of the ... CPI-M demands A. Raja's removalThaindian.com - May 7, 2010 New Delhi, May 7 (IANS) The Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) Friday asked Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to remove Communication and IT Minister A. ... CPI-M sets up disciplinary panel to root out graftThaindian.com - May 7, 2010 New Delhi, May 7 (IANS) In order to root out corruption within the party ranks, the central committee meeting of the Communist Party of India-Marxist ... People our asset, says CPI-M as it readies 6-storey officeSouth Asia Mail - May 7, 2010 Thiruvananthapuram, May 6 (IANS) The asset base of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) is the people, a senior party leader said Thursday to ... |
Investigators have neglected 'Hindu terror' for a long time
Third anniversary of Mecca Masjid blast passes off peacefully
Mecca in high security zone
Muslim youth in firing line
City mourns Makkah Masjid blast victims
Muslim bodies to Hyderabad Police: Express regret for maligning community
Hindutva hand
Mecca Masjid Blasts Anniversary: Hyderabad Security Stepped
Remembering Makkah Masjid blast at 3rd anniversary
Please read Dalit Voice articles and Reports to understand the Hindutva game!
Reports
Brahmin birth-rate falling ? Fear of genetic extinction
A CORRESPONDENT
Pune: The Brahmin birthrate is falling causing serious worry in Bhoodevata circles, according to a secret circular distributed in Pune city Chitpavan circles.
Brahmin scholars and experts are discussing the projection that by the year 2050 — 40 years away—the Brahmin population in the country will go down from the present 2.5% to less than 2%.
"GODS ON EARTH"
Already a micro-minority in a country of 1,300 millions, the Brahmins have been the unquestioned lords of the land presiding over every section of the society: social, cultural, economic, political, media, legal, academic.
They have been also the country's wealthiest and the most powerful – rightly winning the title of the Bhoodevatas (gods on earth).
Lately, the Editor of Dalit Voice has added a new feather on their cap calling them the "Jews of India", more powerful than the 2% Jews who control the world's most powerful country of America.
Caste-wise census enumeration is blocked in India because a true picture of the country would reveal the undemocratic picture of power. Not only that. The Moolnivasis (indigenous), who form over 85% of the country's population, would get tremendous courage and strength on realising their population power. Already the Muslims (20%) are joining the Dalits in a big way to forge a powerful anti-Bhoodevata battle front.
When such a powerful united front of the oppressed is taking a solid shape, if the news of the grass-eating Brahmins — already physically weak and facing genetic extinction— spreads it will only hasten the gloom and doom surrounding the country's worst oppressor community which unfortunately happens to the country's core ruling micro-minority ruling class.
But the different oppressed castes and communities are not aware that within a couple of generations their oppressor jati will be facing total extinction.
REASONS FOR POPULATION FALL
The two reasons given for the steep fall in their population is the widespread religious custom of killing the female child at birth (or before) and their speedy migration to the West, mainly USA.
Even the thinking sections among non-Brahmins are not aware that the Brahmins will be left in a state of peril if these facts are published.
At the recent gala Pune Marathi Sahitya Sammelan, which is monopolised by the Chitpavan Brahmins, the killers of their own "Father of the Nation", Gandhi — such a life and death issue of the Bhoodevatas — the suicide of the gods on earth — was secretly discussed but not publicised.
MOOLNIVASIS BECAME MUSLIMS
The Brahmins, it is learnt, are seriously worried that the land — into which they came as thugs and pindaries from West Asia over 3,000 years ago – easily fell into their hands and they became its rulers after killing the Budhists and finally driving the liberating Budhism out of India. After killing Budhism, they welcomed the Muslims, became their loyal servants to further oppress the Moolnivasi Bahujans.
GUJARATI BANIA MADE MAHATMA
Fortunately the oppressed Moolnivasis themselves became Muslims and fought back the Brahmins and became their blood enemies.
Then came the British who again were fooled so that they remained as the Bhoodevatas. They caught hold of the Gujarati Bania and made him give up his Western dress, beef-eating and drinking habits, called him mahatma to fool the innocent Moolnivasis and ultimately forced the British to quit — but only after vivisecting the country so that the Dalit-Muslim unity would not imperil their rule.
For about 65 years the Bhoodevatas ruled India enjoying heavenly bliss, manufacturing loyal stooges and destroying the health and happiness of the Moolnivasis.
At a time when they became the supreme rulers with none to challenge them, they get the alarming report that they are facing a genetic genocide.
It means our centuries-old oppressors are dying not out of any war and violence launched by the oppressed majority but because of their own conspiracies, crimes, perversion, in-breeding as the world's original founders of racism.
Meanwhile, the "Jews of India" have received enough hints that their own cousins, the zionist Jews — on whom they are today totally depending for their survival — are no longer trusting them. The zionist Jews have come to know the secret that it was the Aryan Brahmins who brainwashed Hitler and the innocent Germans to launch the mass murder of Jews which became world famous as "Holocaust". The zionist Jews have at least thoughtfully carved out a homeland for themselves (Israel) but the hated "Jews of India" can go nowhere as they have created too many enemies all round including their own blood brothers, the zionist Jews.
EVERY ETHNIC IDENTITY IS INTACT
Rulers hate our caste but keep their castes safe & strong
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: Caste enumeration in the current ongoing census operation (2010) is banned by the upper caste rulers on the ground that such a head-count will promote "casteism". The mere 15% upper castes are ruling India only on the strength of their caste. Even the Supreme Court — dominated by upper castes — helped the Brahmin castes by ruling that a Brahmin alone must be the temple priest. The upper castes are holding on to their caste privileges even as successfully making the SC/ST/BCs lifeless — of course with the help of their Brahminical casteist media.
Women's Bill: When the Editor of Dalit Voice got the international LISA award in London (2005), for his book, Caste — A Nation Within the Nation (Books for Change, Bangalore, 2002, photocopy available with DV office Rs.100) the Brahminical media blacked out the report. Not a single paper reviewed the book which went into three editions and translated to Hindi and Kannada — all sold out.
The politics of "caste", however, came to the forefront when the upper caste rulers cunningly got the Women's Reservation Bill passed in the Rajya Sabha after clamping "martial law" and physically throwing out the protestors. The Bill has to be brought before the Lok Sabha but the upper castes are nervous. Because the caste is killing the Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) also.
Thakur caste party: The 15% micro-minority upper caste rulers have successfully broken the backbone of the 85% Moolnivasi Bahujan Bharat, made them deaf, dumb and blind. And yet the oppressors trumpet through their casteist "national" toilet papers that "India is the world's greatest democracy".
But with all the Brahminical efforts to beat the "caste" to death, the sole single "ethnic identity" of the indigenous people, the "caste" is not only not dying but fully alive and kicking.
The notorious UP Thakur, Amar Singh, thrown out of the party by Mulayam Singh, wants to start a caste party of Thakurs. No Brahmin has so far criticised his proposal.
DV has long back welcomed caste-based parties which will pave the way for caste wars.
Bihar experiment: In the neighbouring Bihar, the Brahmin favourite, Nitish Kumar, a Kurmi, wants to give land to certain Dalit subcastes. He has already introduced a new caste-based reservation to "Maha Dalits" comprising 21 castes. The Kurmi leader is the latest blue-eyed boy of the Brahmins. He now wants to include the Paswan jati also. (DV April 1, 2010 p.20: "Brahminic hand boosting Nitish Govt. to keep Lalu out").
The four castes — Dusadh, Pasi, Dhobi and Chamar — constitute 69% of Bihar's Dalit population living in subhuman condition. Of this Ravidas and Dusadh (Paswan) form 31.4% and 30.1%. Only 26% of the Dalits in Bihar are literate.
No subcaste among the Dalits, OBCs or upper castes is ready to give up its "caste identity" because that is their ethnic origin. And yet these Dalit castes are brain-washed by Brahmin to say that caste must go — even as every oppressor caste retains its "caste identity" in tact.
Not a single Aryan upper caste (15%) has given up its "ethnic identity". They are only asking our people to destroy our castes. This will never happen.
DV Aug.16, 2009 p.10: "DV predictions of caste wars will come true - soon".
DV March 1, 2009 p.21: "Caste identity & Mahar movement".
DV Feb.1, 2009 p.11: "Caste identity graduates into caste armies: DV theory takes big leap"
DV April 1, 2009 p.6: "Nitish experiment in caste identity may spoil Lalu chances".
DV Sept.16, 2004 p.5: "Chamars became slaves when they lost their caste identity".
Marxist mask of the Hindu editor falls
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: Brahmins do fight between themselves to share the loot, but never in public and nothing will be known to the outsiders.
But the Iyengar Brahmins belonging to the House of the Hindu, called the "Mount Road Mahavishnu" of Madras, are not only quarreling but washing all the dirty linen in public.
The Indian Express, its rival, was the first to expose the frauds allegedly committed by the Editor of the Hindu, N. Ram, who hides himself under a "marxist" garb and yet remains a hard-core Manuwadi. All his posing as a "marxist", giving lavish publicity to the bogus Brahmins in CPM, is an attempt to deceive the gullible.
The villain: The Manorama English publication (April 11, 2010), the Week, revealed the ongoing power struggle in the 132-year-old Hindu. Is the Hindu collapsing like the Indian Express?
The villain is N. Ram. He is targeted by the entire family for not retiring as the editor in May, 2010 as he turned 65.
Instead of keeping up the promise, the manuwadi marxist went on appointing his daughter and other close relative to top jobs.
Gail Omvedt & Kancha ousted: The country's entire media is either owned by Brahmins or managed by them when the owners are Mardwadis or some others. The total hold on the media has kept the voice of the over 85% of the nationalities totally suppressed. And yet these Rams and Shyams go on shouting that India has the freest press in the world. Yes. They have the freedom to suck our blood.
A glaring example of N. Ram's deep love for "free press" is to kick out Gail Omvedt and Kancha Ilaiah, two of the country's most famous Dalit-Bahujan writers, who had a regular column in the Hindu, as soon as he became the Editor. Plenty of frauds are going round the country wearing the marxist mask.
Upper castes alone have the "merit"
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: The 15% upper castes who rule from centuries have become more merciless after they got "independence" in 1947. Look at the arrogance of these rulers.
These upper castes are carrying on their racist rule only because the SC/STs are not even getting angry. The moment they start getting angry, the micro-minority rulers will piss in their pants.
Read the following Times of India report of Dec. 11, 2009:
Madras: The Madras High Court has directed at least five nationalized banks to follow the rule of reservation for promotion of SC/ST candidates to officer ranks.
A division bench comprising Justice Elipe Dharma Rao and Justice C.T. Selvam, citing a central govt. memo of Aug.13, 1997, said: "When the Constitution has given an extra protection to the underprivileged communities so as to ensure equal opportunities as guaranteed by the constitution, the banks are not justified in sleeping over the matter of providing reservation in promotions for a decade with no good reason to offer". The petitions and appeals were filed by the SC/ST employees associations of various nationalized banks, seeking a direction to the banks to provide reservation in promotions to officers from scale I to Scale VII as per the instructions issued by the Centre.
The banks, however, said promotion to officers grade is on the basis of merit-cum-seniority, to which reservation policy cannot be made application.
Justice Dharma Rao said: "We are unable to understand such a sweeping and generalized argument advanced on the part of the banks, as if all the employees belonging to these underprivileged classes are inefficient and not suitable for promotion. When the Union of India has directed the banks to follow the rule of reservation in promotions in all cadres as early as in the year 1997, there is no impediment for the banks to implement the same. However, for no better reason to be appreciated, the banks are adamant in not implementing the office memo".
Racism in Canara Bank
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: On the historic occasion of the Dr. Ambedkar birth anniversary (April 14, 2010), this correspondent visited the headoffice of the Canara Bank in Bangalore to find out the representation of Dalits in this state-owned bank, 50 years after the constitution came into being. The following shocking facts have been gathered.
The bank has about 12,000 Dalit employees but only 3,000 officers — that too at lower levels.
Though the bank is govt.-owned it is run by micro-minority Brahmins and other upper castes (15%) who never allow Dalits to come up.
This is evident from the following negligible representation of SC/ST in the executive posts. Even the couple of SC/STs promoted to executive jobs are not given responsible postings. Such is the extent of racism inside this bank and all other govt. institutions.
General Managers (GM) 2 out 38
DGM 6 out of 160
AGM 16 out of 300
Div.M 56 out of 500.
Reservation in promotion is given only up to scale-I posts but no reservation above this. Though the bank is owned by the state the upper caste bosses behave as if they are its owners.
Please read our DSA book, Merit - My Foot, (Reply to anti-Reservation Racists), V.T. Rajshekar, Rs. 30.
Hindu terrorists to set up Israel-based govt.
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: The Maharashtra Police have detected that the powerful Chitpavan Brahmin-led Abhinav Bharat (AB) terrorist force is proposing its head quarters in Zionist Israel.
The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) chargesheet in the Malegaon blast case claims that as per statements from the accused the town was singled out for the blast as "it was the ideal place where the Muslim community crowd was the maximum" and that prime accused Lt. Col. Prasad Purohit had told fellow conspirators it was time to set up a parallel Hindu Govt. in-exile which could operate out of Israel and ensure a completely sashastra (armed) India. Purohit, according to the 4,528-page chargesheet, promised "all logistic help" with finances from several quarters and support from some of his contacts in Thailand.
But the entire govt., both central and state, are silent on the AB terrorist activities including its involvement in the terrorist attack (26/11) on Bombay disclosed in the book, Who Killed Karkare?, by S.M. Mushrif.
The govt. itself is afraid of the AB because all the culprits being Brahmins are above the govt.
The zionist Israeli connection revealed in the ATS report is yet another proof that strengthens DV theory that the Jews and "Jews of India" are cousins.
BPL population bursting
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: Under the Brahminist-ruled "Shining India", about 40% of its 1,300 million population is living under the below poverty line (BPL). The Planning Commission has officially admitted this fact (TOI, April 19, 2010).
If this is the official figure, what must be the factual situation? The micro-minority upper caste (15%) rulers pre-occupied with IPL cricket have forgotten this "scum" which they think is a liability. After the Khatri Sick PM took over, the BPL population has further enlarged. This is because IPL rulers are sucking the blood of the BPL slaves.
AMERICAN EXPERT UPHOLDS D.V. THEORY
Jews & Jews of India are brothers
Dalits alone have the capacity to destroy Brahminism
MLECCHA
San Franscisco, USA
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mleccha Lut bin Yahya is a well-versed scholar from America with both white and native American Indian ancestry and a recent convert to Islam. He also realizes the importance of Indian sages to the world's inner growth, including the Budha, Ravidas, Guru Nanak, Birsa Munda, Babasaheb Ambedkar, and V.T. Rajshekar. Through Dalit Voice, Mleccha became aware of and studied the hidden alliance between Brahmins and the Zionist Jews, both descendants of an Aryan elite which still exists today. He shows that this Aryan cabal promotes anti-Muslim sentiment and a worldwide caste system. He found even zionist Israel has its own Dalit class found among the Palestinians and Haredi Jews who oppose the terrorist Zionist regime known as Likud. Mleccha seeks to continue to expose the oppressive tactics of Zionists and Brahmins, seeking to create unity between Muslims, Dalits, and all those people yearning for freedom worldwide.
2010 Rs. 10
Dalit Sahitya Akademy
No.109 - 7th Cross, Palace Lower Orchards, Bangalore - 560 003, INDIA
vtr@ndf.vsnl.net.in , dalitvoice@rediffmail.com Website: www.dalitvoice.org
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/may_a2010/reports.htmrticles
Karkare book makes waves despite media gag
T. RIYAS BABU, THE MILLI GAZETTE, ABUL FAZAL ENCLAVE-I, JAMIA NAGAR, NEW DELHI - 110 025
The English book, Who Killed Karkare?(2010), is making waves having been translated in 4 languages, 3 more in the pipe line. This is despite the total blackout of the book in the Brahminical toilet papers.
The book by S.M. Mushrif, former IG of Police, Maharashtra, would shock you out of your deep sleep.
The book comes out with some startling facts and analysis exposing the real actors behind the "terrorism" drama whose greatest feat was to uphold the majesty of a less than 3% "Jews of India". It reveals the silhouette of cold blooded murder engineered by the Brahminical lobby of an upright senior officer of the Maharashtra ATS, Hemant Karkare. He was just one among the hundreds who were inhumanly eradicated from being a hurdle in the path of the actors. Despite the total media blackout the book has reached where it wanted to.
A rare Brahmin: The book was first published in October on the first anniversary of the 26/11 Bombay attacks. Since then it has seen three English editions and translated in Tamil, Malayalam, Urdu and Kannada. All this due to the incessant quest of readers to get into the reality of the sensational life story of Karkare, a rare Brahmin, who believed in truth. The English edition was the first through which the world came to know about the dragon claws of Brahminical pigeons who seized the life of Karkare.
It was Pharos Media (Abul Fazal Enclave-I, Jamia Nagar, New Delhi) that brought out the book in English and Urdu. The three English editions have almost been sold out. The publishers due to the quick response of readers had to rise to the occasion and produce editions after editions in quick succession. Hindi and Marathi editions will be out soon.
Language editions: The Malayalam edition created a real storm because the media had almost camouflaged the real happenings. Thejas Publication of Calicut, Kerala, unveiled the first Malayalam edition at Ernakulam on Feb.17.
The Tamil edition was published by Vergal Publications, Madras. It was released at Madurai on March 14. S.M. Mushrif was present.
In Kannada, it was Sthuthi Publications, Mangalore, that brought out the translation. It was released in Bangalore on March 25. V.T. Rajshekar, Editor, Dalit Voice was the main speaker.
A dedicated website www.whokilledkarkare.com is in place to give readers information about the book. A Face Book page has been created with title Who Killed Karkare? where readers discuss news related to terrorism.
Ulema lacks knowledge of Hinduism
OBAIDUR RAHMAN NADWI, LECTURER, NADWATUL ULAMA, P.B.-93, TAGORE MARG, LUCKNOW - 226 007
Casteism breeds hatred, abomination, abhorrence, enmity, and hostility. Besides it creates gulf and estrangement among a variety of nations. Casteism has developed to such an extent that every dominant caste despises the "minorities".
The late S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi says:
"The real credit for evolving the caste-system into a rigid social frame and a law goes to Manu, who, in the heydays of Brahmanic civilization in India, 300 years before the birth of Christ, formulated what is commonly known as the Manu Shastra as the sacred law of Hindu society."
India, where casteism is eating away the basic principles of civilization, will also must ban caste discrimination as done in UK.
*************
Your letter once again proves that Muslim religious scholars lack knowledge of the Indian social system governed by Brahminical thought. You say casteism breeds hatred etc. Yes. This is the very objective of the caste system. One caste must hate the other. The hatred is on an ascending scale of reverence and descending degree of contempt. This is called Hinduism. Islam being the world's most revolutionary religion and India having the world's largest Muslim population, its ulema should have studied Hinduism and taken steps to destroy it. We twice went round the huge library at Nadwa but sorry to say we did not find any literature on Hindu social system. Because of such a lack of knowledge, Muslims call everybody (including the non-Hindu, if not anti-Hindu Dalits) as Hindu. Except the Brahmin (2%), India has no Hindu — EDITOR.
Hate-mongering Brahminists better migrate to America
ABHINAV ANAND, MEDIA STUDENT, NEW FRIENDS COLONY, NEW DELHI
Brahmins form between 5-6% of our population and not 2% as DV has been depicting. You are totally partial and unfair. You people want to break the Indian society into castes but we need to unite the Hindus so that we can fight the terrorists in our country, Kashmir and Pakistan. It is because of you people that hindutva has become weak in our country. Do you think that just by Mayawati becoming PM or a handful of people occupy big posts, Dalits can become happy? Never. Dalits will be happy when each one of them get livelihood, bread and butter and basic facilities, education. Don't play politics in the name of Dalits. I am a Brahmin and I have many Dalit friends. When they come to my home, they have lunch with me on the same table and I reiterate that reservation must be given on the economic parameters. Suppose a Dalit becomes IAS officer does his son also need a reservation? No. His reservation should be finished and must be given to a poor Dalit who is the son of a labour or a worker. Please don't hate any caste. You are Hindu and Indian first, a Dalit later.
We get lots of such rubbish advises from Brahmins. You are at least sincere in saying that you speak on behalf of your micro-minority alien people. But Dalit Voice is the voice of the country's over 85% Moolnivasi Bahujans, cheated and deprived of their human rights and livelihood. The death of the Women's Reservation Bill shows things are moving against the Brahminical aggressors. Your own Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) has changed its stand on this Bill. The Brahminical micro-minority is able to continue its cheating, robbing and such other anti-human game only because of your control on the mass media manipulation. Since 1947, the Brahminists have been the direct rulers of India. Why then the country slipped down and became a laughing stock of the world? The country is passing through a very serious crisis for which the producers of wealth (SC/ST/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs) are not responsible. It is the 15% Brahminists led by the "Gods on earth" who are the cause. Any amount of your brainwashing will not work. The best course of action for the disgusted Bhoodevatas is to migrate to your fatherland USA. Good riddance to bad rubbish — EDITOR.
"Brave" RSS must fight Maoists
MUSHTAQUE MADNI, PUNE
The brutal killings of the 76 CRPF jawans in Dantewada, Chhattigrah, undoubtedly, shocked the nation. The danger of Naxal terror is fast gripping the nation with, reportedly, 1/5 of India in their complete control. Even well trained jawans find it difficult to counter their well planned terror activities for the simple reason that they(the jawans) do not seem to have the required passion of patriotism whereas every single Maoist, virtually, seems to be living his ideology.
If, I am not mistaken, the brave, fearless, and full of patriotism cadres of the great RSS Hindu terrorists, who are also equally trained in fighting, could prove to be a befitting reply to the Maoist terror. This is the time, these courageous, brave, and patriotic cadres offered their lives and services to protect the "nation". Or, is their courage best displayed in government-sponsored carnages and genocides alone?
Brahminists helped British rule & conspired to defeat Muslims
MANSUR RAHMAN KHAN, PRINCIPAL, D.A.H.S.S, PO DEKACHANG, VIA CHAMARIA, KAMRUP DT. - 781 136
Dalits and Muslims are India's most backward and treated not as human beings. DV readers know this fact so well. They do not have the right to say, protest or do anything against the ruling upper castes. They are denied all human rights assured in the constitution.
The problem becomes all the more serious when the persecuted are not even conscious of their exploitation and persecution.
The Brahmins feared that if the ignorant slaves are educated they might see through their game. They feared that if the caste system was not camouflaged as a religion, they would not be able to perpetuate their totalitarianism.
So the intellectuals among Dalits and Muslims with all other deprived sections must seriously study Dalit Voice and DSA books to understand how to fight and defeat Brahminism.
Hindu caused our fall: Their continued persecution inspired them to seek salvation through conversion through Budhism, Islam etc.
Over 95% of Indian Muslims are converts from all persecuted nationalities.
Though the Dalits are called Hindu they have no access to Hindu temple because they are not Hindu-blooded. They are called Hindu for political purposes so that the mere 3% Brahmins remain as rulers.
Editor V.T. Rajshekar says:
The principal cause of our people losing the power to think, judge and decide is the Hindu religion that has converted us into monkeys. (DV Feb.16, 2010, p.4)
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar has shown the path for emancipation. But the Dalits are not eager to follow him.
The Aryan upper castes did not fight against the British rule. Rather the Aryans destroyed Muslim kingdoms, co-operating with the British East India Company and helped the British establish their empire. They supported the British whole heartedly.
Both British and the Aryans are aliens. The British East India Company in India conspired against Muslim Nawabs in collusion with some Aryan officials of the Nawabs and caused the downfall of Muslim empire.
Ravana Mela: The British have left India. But their co-conspirators are still remaining in India. They are dominating the administration without any hindrance.
History books are full of evidence of the combined efforts of the British and Aryans to denigrate the Muslim rule.
I was so happy to read that thousands of Dalits of Kanpur on Sept.2008 took out a procession and held Ravana Mela to protest against the burning of ravana effigies on Dasara.
Ravana is the hero of the original inhabitants of India. Dalits all over India must start worshipping Ravana as the hero of the Asuras — non-Aryans.
It is very nice to know the natives of India are being called the Moolnivasi Bahujans. Hinduism is swimming only on the policy of dividing different castes.
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/may_a2010/articles.htmBabri Mosque Demolition:
Why On December 6?
By Ashok Yadav
21 February, 2009
Countercurrents.org
Was it a mere coincidence that the Babri mosque was demolished on December 6? Of course, there are strong reasons to believe that the event was not an act of spontaneous mob frenzy but rather an outcome of a high-level conspiracy. No wonder the issue was utilised by the Sangha Parivar to generate communal euphoria across the length and breadth of the country. Moreover, this euphoria was manufactured and nourished sequentially and saw its logical culmination in the ultimate levelling of the mosque. However, the pertinent question is: what drove the saffron forces to chose this particular date for their heinous act? What was so exceptional about this particular date that it overrode all other options in the 366 days of that year (1992 being a leap year)? A scrutiny of this question, I posit, would unveil the true character of Hindu communalism or Hindutva.
As we are all aware the class struggle between the exploiters and exploited sections continues unceasingly in all human societies. Though at certain critical junctures in history this struggle manifests itself in violent forms most of the time it is fought unabated at the psychological level. This psychological war is fought between the collective/folk memory of the people and the institutionalised memory by the oppressed. The strategy of the ruling classes everywhere and at all times has been to efface this folk memory of the people which is nothing but an historical record of the resistance offered by the people and their heroes to the powers that be. Of course, the oppressors are aware that the oppressed sections get more agitated listening to the tyranny meted out to their ancestors than the fact of actual oppression that they face themselves. Hence the powerful use all the instruments at their disposal to erase this collective memory—from the organs of the state to all the institutions of indoctrination (education) and propaganda (media/cinema). They are also often successful at that.
On the other hand the subject classes strive to eternalise this collective memory by bequeathing it to the successive generations through its own literature, culture, art and folk traditions. In our own times the autobiographies being penned by Dalit authors exemplify this best. They also celebrate and observe the decisive dates in their history or those associated with their leaders (their birth and death anniversaries for instance) to keep the flame of their cause alive. How this memory of tyranny unleashed against their ancestors inspires the oppressed to do something remarkable can be glimpsed in one of the statements by Vivian Richards, a renowned Black cricketer from Antigua in West Indies. Vivian Richards, as we all know, was not only a sportsman par excellence but also a vocal crusader against racial injustice. He once said:
Every member of my team is haunted by the memory of white oppression faced by our ancestors for centuries. When we do lethal fast bowling or bat explosively against them it is as if we are extracting revenge from them for those misdeeds and consequently restoring prestige for our race.(Source: Student Federation of India's journal Student Struggle's issue published sometime in 1984-85. Independent translation based on recall of the quotation. )
Hence, we can see how this collective memory often acts as the chief weapon in the armory of the oppressed sections. However, there are certain memories which the powerful can never erase despite their best efforts. In such cases they take recourse to adulterating this memory and channelising it for their own nefarious ends. I contend that on December 6, 1992 when the Babri mosque was razed to the ground similar efforts were made. But I will come back to it later. First a few words on the true character of Hindutva.
The paramount feature of the Hindu faith is the caste system. Moreover, the ideology of Hindutva only nurtures and sustains this system. In Gita, which is accorded the highest place in the corpus of Hindu scriptures, God animated as Krishna states that the varna system is His creation. Besides, all the scriptures of Hindu faith unequivocally support the caste system. It can be further asserted that those sitting pretty at the top of the varna hierarchy have their dominance, superiority, privileges, heaven, salvation, or for that matter everything, secure so far as the varna system operates. How the superiority of the twice-born and their social, political, economic and cultural hegemony can be perennially maintained seems to be the primary concern of the sanatana dharma. Otherwise why do proponents of Hindutva go berserk on the question of 27% reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC's)?
The real history of India is yet to be written. The central role of the struggle against the caste system in the historical development of this land has not yet been rigorously investigated. This will only become a reality once the Dalit-Bahujan masses undergo a process of Cultural Revolution or, dialectically speaking, it is the very writing of this history that will inaugurate the Cultural Revolution for Dalit-Bahujan masses.
The history of India is an account of the struggles against the caste system. The emergence of Jainism, Buddhism, Sikhism or the influx of Islamic and Christian faiths and their acceptability would not have been possible but for the caste system. One may also propose that it is this very exploitative system which is responsible for the historical stagnation of the productive forces and development of knowledge and science in this country. This historical stagnation was however, consciously or otherwise, arrested by the advent of the British colonial state. In this respect the formulations of Karl Marx, Raja Rammohun Roy and Jotiba Phule bear remarkable similarity. In the mediaeval ages many a dalit-bahujan took a sigh of relief at the demolition of the Hindu temples by the Muslim invaders as these temples were also centres of social monopoly power which was no less oppressive and exploitative than the state power. In these temples the entry of shudra-atishudra was prohibited quite unlike the mosques, churches. gurudwaras or monasteries which were more or less open to general masses and they could pray there collectively without a thought of high and low pervading caste society. Even during the heydays of the struggle against British colonialism the banner of revolt against social imperialism was hurled high by people like Jotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Periyar, Shahuji Maharaj and Babasaheb Ambedkar. Organisations like Bihar's Triveni Sangha multiplied in all parts of the country.
The developments since Independence also narrate the story of this struggle—the protagonists being Dr. Rammanohar Lohia, Karpuri Thakur, Kanshiram, Annadurai, BP Mandal and VP Singh.
The anti-caste proclivities received a great boost when VP Singh government announced its decision to implement the Mandal Commission recommendations. In the wake of this move by VP Singh the challenge posed by Dalit-Bahujan masses to the caste elite multiplied many times. Thus they unleashed the genie of kamandal to counter the politics of Mandal. Advani subsequently stormed the nation on his 'Ram-rath' leaving behind a trail of blood wherever the rath crossed. When Laloo Prasad finally arrested him BJP withdrew support from the VP Singh government thereby 'chastising' him for attempting the unpardonable. Communal polarisation and galvanisation by the Hindutva forces gained momentum resulting in the ultimate demolition of the Babri mosque. No wonder, the 'Brahmin' and Brahminist Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao kept himself busy with an afternoon siesta on a wintry day and by the time he woke up the mosque had been razed to the ground.
There seem to be many reasons behind the demolition of the mosque. First, to counter the influence of Mandal by the velour of demolition. Second, to transform the feeling of defeatism plaguing the Hindu psyche due to repeated defeats at the hands of invaders (a consequence of the divisive caste system one may add) into a feeling of glory. Third, to dilute the social contradictions and caste struggle arising out of the assertion of the dalit-bahujan masses by a wider Hindu resurgence and unity. Fourth, the consolidation of the Hindu vote bank by arousing communal passions for BJP in order to achieve the ideal of the so-called Hindu Rashtra and so on. However, when we investigate the reason behind a particular choice of date (December 6) we are informed of at least one more reason.
In the twentieth century the major challenge to Hindutva has been indisputably presented by Dr. BR Ambedkar. This challenge is more ideological than political. Along with Dr Ambedkar two other names can be shortlisted for having contested Hindutva effectively—namely, E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker (or Periyar) and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. It is unfortunate that Periyar's influence remained restricted to South India only. Dr Lohia's slogan pichda pawe sau mein sath (let the backward bag sixty out of hundred) effectively challenged the political power of the proponents of Hindutva. The process of social change and consciousness that we witness in North India today, especially in UP and Bihar, would have been scarcely possible without the contribution of Lohiaite ideology. However, one can surely find grounds to critique the contradictions and inconsistencies in his thought regarding Hindu religion, philosophy and tradition. Despite his powerful slogans this lacuna in his thought severely hampers the march of the caravan of social justice towards any meaningful destination. A harmonious integration of Lohiaite and Ambedkarite ideology is therefore imperative to give the much required edge to the politics of social justice.
The Saffron brigade trembles when it hears the names of Ambedkar or Periyar. Afterall, it is they who have bitterly exposed the reality of Hindu faith and have established beyond doubt that this faith is nothing but Brahmanism or the varna system. Both urged their followers not to stop before the complete destruction of this religion. While Periyar swithched to atheism for this purpose Ambedkar advocated disowning of Hinduism and adoption of Buddhism respectively. It is another matter that even Buddhism is silent on the concept of God.
Despite being a constitutionalist Dr. Ambedkar often finds a pride of place in the league of the world's greatest revolutionaries. He stood up to combat a system that had been reigning undeterred in this country for the last three thousand years. He could not have urged the voiceless and powerless untouchables leading a life worse than animals for attempting an armed insurrection. That is why he was a constitutionalist. By investigating meticulously the Hindu religious scriptures and authoring powerful tracts (like Riddles in Hinduism, Annihilation of Caste and Revolution and CounterRevolution in Ancient India), and, also by such powerful symbolic gestures like setting Manusmriti on fire and articulating and voicing the concerns and demands of the untouchables in round table conferences and such forums, he laid bare the hypocrisy, contradictions and inhumanity of the Hindu religion and society in front of the whole world. He did not even deter from engaging in a vitriolic polemic and conflict with a personality like Gandhi in order to secure an independent identity and place for Dalits in the Indian political landscape. On the one hand he managed to pocket a few concessions for the dalits by making his way into the Constituent assembly, on the other he also criticised the Indian Constitution on various counts in no uncertain terms. When he became the first law minister in independent India, he strived and struggled to ameliorate the condition of Hindu society, and especially the pitiable condition of its women, by drafting the 'Hindu Code Bill' and making efforts to get it passed in the Parliament. However, his efforts came a cropper due to the influence of fanatic Hindus in the Congress party and government which were against modern and radical reforms. Now he saw no point in continuing as a member of Hindu society. During all these years he had been postponing the actualisation of his call to leave Hindu religion that he gave twenty years back. All this time he had been genuinely working at reconciliation with his adversaries. But now he could take it no longer. He converted to Buddhism with lakhs of his followers and reestablished the faith that had been exiled from the country of its origin some fifteen centuries back due to the inexcusable crime of challenging the caste system. In other words, Dr. BR Ambedkar now donned the mantle of a modern Buddha.
Until the day the Indian society liberates itself from the tentacles of the caste system his legacy shall continue to inspire the dalit-bahujan masses. It would be a parochial stance if we recognise Ambedkar only as a champion of shudras-atishudras. He is the leader of all Hindus because his primary concern was to liberate the entire Hindu society by breaking innumerable divisive caste walls. The path of liberation, for a Brahmin as well as a scavenger, from this inhumane caste system is ingrained in the theoretical insights of Ambedkar.
This is the only reason why Dr. Ambedkar's life, actions, thoughts and struggle pose such a great challenge for Hindutva. His ideology is a guide to action for the dalit-bahujan masses. However, the efforts to destroy his legacy continue to proliferate. It is to meet such sinister objectives that books like Worshipping False Gods are written by Saffron theoreticians like Arun Shourie. Surely, for them a memory which cannot be erased, a legacy which cannot be vanished, can be surely mitigated by aduleration, illusions and sleight of hand pure and simple.
On December 6, 1992 when the dalit bahujan of the nation was observing the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, remembering his struggle against the brahminical system for establishment of a society based on equality, fraternity and liberty and taking pledge in his name to carry forward the struggle that Dr Ambedkar waged, at that very moment, quite simultaneously, the Sangha Parivar was engaged in demolishing the Babri mosque with the aid of thousands of its cadres and supporters. A countervailing 'Hindu glory' was being forged opposed to Dr. Ambedkar's memory and legacy. Hindutva was making unholy inroads into the dalit-bahujan psyche generally permeated with Dr Ambedkar's legacy till then. By demolishing Babri mosque an attempt was being made to violate and pollute the great memory of Dr Ambedkar. A conspiracy was being enacted to erect a symbol of Hindutva pride, inherent in the demolition of Babri mosque, parallel to Dr Ambedkar's memory, so that every year when on December 06 the dalit bahujan would assemble to commemorate Dr Ambedkar's life and struggle, the anniversary of Babri mosque demolition would also be there as a parallel force to counter Dr Ambedkar's legacy. The demolition of Babri mosque on the same date as the death anniversary of Dr Ambedkar would never leave the commemoration of Dr Ambedkar's death anniversary as uncontaminated. The demolition of Babri mosque on December 06 was an intense psychological war against the dalit-bahujan which was no less lethal or violent than the organised and frequent pogroms against dalits and Muslims.
One may well ask why was Ambedkar's birth anniversary (14 April) not chosen as a date for demolition? The answer is simple. In comparison to his death anniversary his birth anniversary is widely celebrated with much vitality and grandeur. It would have been a risky proposition because then their anti-Ambedkar ideology would have been brought out into broad daylight. They could not have afforded such a big risk at that time. Babri mosque is after all not the last mosque to be levelled. There are other mosques on their hit-list as well. Whenever they find themselves powerful enough to take such a risk they will show the temerity to do so. Why only Ambedkar there are many other icons that give sleepless nights to the Hundutva forces.
In the end, the explanation rendered above is purely theoretical. No concrete proof was available for this assumption. However, later I happened to discover a somewhat similar proof in some extracts of Malay Krishna Dhar's book Open Secrets: India's Intelligence Unveiled published in Outlook (Hindi, 7 Feb 2005):
" On 25th December K. N. Govindacharya called me on phone and expressed his desire to come over for dinner to my house along with two of his friends…After dinner the conversation continued till midnight. I shivered from what I got to learn from my friends. They gave me sufficient indications that the Sangha Parivar was not obverse to the demolition of the mosque and putting in its place a temple-like structure…Why in December only? I asked. Gurumurthy promptly replied that I should read history once again. Did not Mahmud Gaznavi destroy Somnath temple in December 1025?"
It is strange that the author did not ask why only on a particular day in December. It is also possible that the author may have asked the question and would have been promptly replied back that because it is the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, and that he did not share this part of the conversation with his readers for the fear of completely unmasking the mindset of the saffron brigade. Who knows?
The Politics of Hindutva in India
Originally appeared in the Asian Wall Street Journal, January 28, 2003
The outcome of recent legislative elections in India's western state of Gujarat could define the future of politics in South Asia in terms of religious polarization. The ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party won last month's polls in Gujarat by a landslide. But that victory was achieved by whipping up sentiment against India's religious minorities, mainly Muslims. Gujarat was the scene last year of religious riots that caused the death of more than 1,000 people, most of them Muslims, and forced several thousands more to leave their homes. The Gujarat BJP leader, Narendra Modi, won the majority's support by creating the specter of "Hindus in danger." For this dubious achievement, he earned the title "The Master Divider," conferred by a leading Indian newsmagazine.
Mr. Modi's success has received little attention outside the region. But given the turbulent history of South Asia, a region that has witnessed two partitions and several violent insurgencies during the last five decades, the developments in Gujarat must not be ignored.
The 1947 partition of British India into Muslim-majority Pakistan and Hindu-majority India was the result of the two-nation theory that emphasized the separate religious identity of Hindus and Muslims. Pakistan underwent division in 1971 with the emergence of Bangladesh, indicating that ethnic and linguistic differences could overcome religious unity. But the rise of Hindu nationalism (termed "Hindutva") in India is reviving the religious confrontation of the 1940s. With Islamists defining Pakistani nationhood and Hindu ideologues in the driver's seat in India, there is little prospect of dialogue or peace in South Asia.
As is often the case, extremism on one side is encouraging extreme ideas on the other. Moderates are gradually being squeezed out of the political arena, leaving hardliners to set the terms of the discourse. And the fact that India and Pakistan possess nuclear weapons complicates this rivalry between religiously driven forms of nationalism.
The founders of modern India, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, identified with a secular nationalism that was the basis of India's constitutional democracy. But the BJP and an assortment of Hindu political groups emphasize the communal identity. They speak of creating a Hindu Rashtra, or Hindu nation, and criticize what they believe is the privileged status of religious minorities in India. They saber rattle against Pakistan, which is itself witnessing a rise in Islamist sentiment. Polarization -- rather than reconciliation -- and the fear of "the enemy" -- rather than that of poverty, ignorance and disease -- drive Hindu nationalist politics in India and Islamist politics in Pakistan.
A global war currently is under way against extremist Islamists who feel that their historic grievances justify terrorism. But the seekers of Hindu Rashtra are not yet seen as a serious threat internationally because they are confined to India and their extremism is not seen as having international ramifications. This might prove to be a grave miscalculation.
The rise of Hindu extremism serves as a catalyst for recruitment by extremist Islamists in South Asia. For that reason alone, it is and should be a cause for concern, both in India and in the international community. Hindu-revivalist organizations have defined Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra in a manner that renders adherence to minority religions and loyalty to India incompatible. Their ideology has a lot in common with that of the extremists that are the object of U.S. President George W. Bush's war against terrorism.
Al Qaeda's supporters attribute the weakness and backwardness of the Islamic world to the rise of the West. They justify violence, including terrorism, as a means of overcoming the weakness imposed by the colonial and post-colonial experience. They refuse to recognize the virtues of democracy or tolerance. For them, eliminating the symbols of Western power and influence are means of Islamic revival. They define Islam in a particular context and do not accept the right of others to practice it differently. The Hindutva leadership that is emerging in India also demands uniformity of belief and conformity in narrative that is similar in essence to the extremist Islamist mindset.
Extreme beliefs end in the mindset that led to Taliban rule in Afghanistan and last year's mayhem in Gujarat. As a phenomenon, the politics of Hindutva should not be ignored merely as electoral expediency. Religious fever can in the long run only tear apart the various communities of India and harm the country's stability. It will inspire a Muslim reaction, which will undoubtedly engulf Pakistan and Bangladesh in addition to affecting India's own Muslim population.
Reprinted from The Asian Wall Street Journal © 2003 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All rights reserved.'Wireless message establishes Advani's presence at Babri site'
Senior IPS officer Anju Gupta, who was the personal security officer of BJP leader L.K. Advani on December 5-6, 1992 at Ayodhya and key witness in the Babri demolition case, said on Thursday that she knew he remained at the scene even when she had left because a police wireless message had notified her of the precise time of his departure.
She was answering questions put to her by defence counsel of the BJP leaders facing trial in a Rae Bareli court for their role in the demolition of the historic mosque. Asked how she could have told court on March 26 that Mr. Advani was present till 7.55 p.m. when she herself had left his side around 6.30 p.m. to control the crowd elsewhere, Ms. Gupta said she had received a police wireless message informing her that the BJP leader was getting ready to move at 7.55 p.m. This meant he was definitely at the scene till then, she said.
Defence counsel also asked her whether, at the December 5 meeting called by IG (Faizabad) A.K. Sharan, it was said 'kar sevaks' would be allowed to do 'kar seva' and 'puja' but that vigil would also have to be maintained. She said it was clear even before that day that vigil would have to be maintained during the 'kar seva'.
The 'ISI threat' angle was again revisited by the defence lawyers, who hinted that there were police reports of Pakistani agents mingling with the 'kar sevaks'. Ms. Gupta said there were such reports but the police knew the main threat to the Babri structure came from the 'kar sevaks' who had been mobilised.
Next hearing
Ms. Gupta was cross-examined for three hours but with defence counsel stating they had more questions, Chief Judicial Magistrate Gulab Singh fixed May 15 as the next date of hearing.
Keywords: Babri masjid demolition, Anju Gupta, A B Vajpayee, L K Advani, Kar Sevaks
No ISI hand in Babri demolition, says ex-ACP
Babri: 'Only discussed threats from kar sevaks, ISI'
'Wireless message establishes Advani's presence at Babri site'
3-tier security was in place around Babri Masjid: Anju Gupta
'Babri faced threat from ISI, ultras'
IPS officer cross examined in Babri demolition case
'Kar Sewa Was to be Allowed on Dec 6 1992'
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Gupta deposition spells trouble for Katiyar, BJP
Babri demolition case: IPS officer says Katiyar sent her away from dais twice
Anju Gupta denies knowlege about symbolic kar seva
Katiyar sent me away from dais: IPS officer to court
Kar Sevaks
Anju Gupta denies knowlege about symbolic kar sevaDeccan Herald - May 15, 2010 On being asked whether the kar sevaks were being given instruction on how and where to perform the kar seva by the leaders, Gupta said some instructions ...  Email this storyBabri: 'Only discussed threats from kar sevaks, ISI'Indian Express - Apr 29, 2010 ... militants were also shared and she was aware of such inputs, Gupta told the court: "In the meeting, threats from ISI and kar sevaks were discussed. No ISI hand in Babri demolition, says ex-ACP Times of India Deccan Herald - Hindustan Times - Press Trust of India - Outlook Email this storyISI officer says kar sevaks were bigger threat than ISI in AyodhyaIndia Today - - Apr 24, 2010 Intelligence reports had warned about the possible presence of ISI men among the kar sevaks in Ayodhya on the day the Babri Masjid was demolished. 'Police had info on Babri demolition' Deccan Herald Intelligence showed Babri could be harmed: IPS officer Indian Express Godhra carnage: Sreekumar files another affidavitTimes of India - May 7, 2010 ... Pradesh police had given enough inputs regarding alleged rowdy behaviour by karsevaks while they were on their way to Ayodhya and back to Ahmedabad. SC directs authorities to appoint PP in Gulbarga, Naroda Patia casesIndlaw.com - May 6, 2010 ... were sparked off after the Godhra train burning incident in February 2002, in which 59 kar sevaks travelling in Coach no S-6, were burnt alive. War against terrorism in India pregnant with political motivesTwoCircles.net - - May 13, 2010 The burning alive of Kar Sevaks in S 6 Coach in Sabarmati Express in Gujarat and 26/11 in India are another such examples. Self-infliction helps them gather ... MPLADS: Open licence to lootCentral Chronicle - May 10, 2010 Clearly, happy days are here again for our jan sevaks after the double whammy bonanza of a five-fold pay hike and the Supreme Court's seal of approval for ... 'Politicians Should Die If They Can't Give Security To People'Tehelka - Apr 23, 2010 The RSS karsevaks have their idea of Hindutva but they haven't managed to percolate the real meaning to the common man. Special investigation team grills Pravin Togadia for four hoursDaily News & Analysis - May 10, 2010 Referring to the Godhra train carnage incident, Togadia said no SIT has been formed to find out truth about the deaths of 57 karsevaks in Godhra. Video: 2002 riots case: Togadia questioned by SIT NDTV.comEmail this story |
Ayodhya debate
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The Ayodhya debate is a political, historical and socio-religious debate that was most prevalent in the 1990s in India. The main issues revolve around access to the birthplace of the Hindu God Rama, the history and location of the Babri Mosque at the site, and whether a previous Hindu temple was demolished or modified to create the mosque.
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[edit] History
When the Muslim emperor Babur came down from Ferghana in 1527, he defeated the Hindu King of Chittodgad, Rana Sangrama Singh at Sikri, using cannon and artillery. After this victory, Babur took over the region, leaving his general, Mir Baqi, in charge as viceroy.
Mir Baqi enforced Mughal rule over the population and used terror[citation needed] to maintain control over the civlian population. Mir Baqi came to Ayodhya in 1528 and allegedly destroyed the temple,[1] but he may have only renovated an existing building. The date of the construction of the Babri Mosque is disputed. Although there exists a detailed account of the life of Babur in the form of his diary, the pages of the relevant period are missing. The completion of the mosque is speculated to have occurred as early as the Ghorid conquests in 1194.
Ayodhya is revered by devout Hindus as the birthplace of ancient King of India and Hindu God Rama, believed by Hindus to be an avatar of Vishnu. Mir Baqi then built a mosque on the site of the destroyed temple. This was called the Babri Masjid (Mosque), named after King Babar. It was originally called the Masjid-e-Janamsthan,[citation needed] the mosque of the birthplace, which appears to acknowledge that the mosque was built on Hindu holy ground. During that period many Hindu temples were destroyed by Islamic rulers for both political and religious reasons.[2] The 2007 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica notes that as well as Ayodhya there are also no temple structures in either of the ancient and holy Hindu places of Varanasi or Mathura which dates prior to the 17th century.
In 1767, Jesuit priest Joseph Tieffenthaler records Hindus worshipping and celebrating Ramanavami at the site of the mosque. In 1788, Tiefffenthaler's French works are published in Paris, the first to suggest that the Babri Masjid is in proximity to the birthplace of Rama, saying that "Emperor Aurangzeb got demolished the fortress called Ramkot, and erected on the same place a Mahometan temple with three cuppolas."[citation needed]
During the 19th century, the Hindus in Ayodhya were recorded as continuing a tradition of worshiping Rama on the Ramkot hill. According to British sources, Hindus and Muslims used to worship together in the Babri Mosque complex in the 19th century until about 1855. P. Carnegy wrote in 1870: "It is said that up to that time [viz. the Hindu-Muslim clashes in the 1850s] the Hindus and Mohamedans alike used to worship in the mosque temple."
In 1858, the Muazzin of the Babri mosque says in a petition to the British government that the courtyard had been used by Hindus for hundreds of years.
By the middle of the 20th century, Hindus in the area were claiming that the Mosque had not been used by Muslims since 1936, and they took over the 'unused' mosque in 1949.
On 18 March 1886, the Faizabad District Judge passed an order in which he wrote:
I visited the land in dispute yesterday in the presence of all parties. I found that the Masjid built by Emperor Babar stands on the border of Ayodhya, that is to say, to the west and south. It is clear of habitants. It is most unfortunate that a Masjid should have been built on land specially held sacred by the Hindus, but as that event occurred 356 years ago, it is too late now to agree with the grievances. (Court verdict by Col. F.E.A. Chamier, District Judge, Faizabad (1886)
The Babri Mosque was destroyed by Hindu activists during a political rally which turned into a riot on December 6, 1992.
[edit] Contradictory evidence
It was until about 1990 the standard view that an ancient Ram Janmabhoomi temple was demolished and replaced with the Babri Mosque. References such as the 1986 edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica reported that "Rama's birthplace is marked by a mosque, erected by the Moghul emperor Babar in 1528 on the site of an earlier temple".[3]
However, there are some contradictory viewpoints, indicating that there may not have been a significant Hindu temple at the site. In his Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma writes, "Ayodhya seems to have emerged as a place of religious pilgrimage in medieval times. Although chapter 85 of the Vishnu Smriti lists as many as fifty-two places of pilgrimage, including towns, lakes, rivers, mountains, etc., it does not include Ayodhya in this list."[4] Sharma also notes that Tulsidas, who wrote the Ramcharitmanas in 1574 at Ayodhya, does not mention it as a place of pilgrimage. This suggests that there was no significant Hindu temple at the site of the Babri Mosque. [4] After the demolition of the mosque in 1992, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma along with Historians Suraj Bhan, M.Athar Ali and Dwijendra Narayan Jha wrote the Historian's report to the nation saying that the assumption that there was a temple at the disputed site was mistaken, and no valid reason to destroy the mosque.[5]
[edit] Demolition of Babri Structure
On 6 December, 1992 the structure was demolished by karsevaks,[6] 150,000 strong, despite a commitment by the government to the Indian Supreme Court that the mosque would not be harmed.[7][8] More than 2000 people were killed in the riots following the demolition. Riots broke out in many major Indian cities including Mumbai, Delhi and Hyderabad.[citation needed]
On 16 December, 1992, Liberhan Commission was set up by the Government of India to probe the circumstances that led to the demolition of Babri structure.[9] It has been longest running commission in India's history with several extensions granted by various governments. Politicians like L.K.Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi were alleged to be influential in the demolition. On 23 November 2009 the Liberhan commission report was leaked to the media. The leaked report concluded that the demolition was planned by top leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party.[10]
[edit] Hindu nationalism
The Ayodhya debate has grown along with a revival of Hindu fundamentalism and Hindu Nationalism.
The issue of the disputed structure had remained inactive for four decades, until the mid-1980s.[11] The Hindu Nationalist movement pressed for reclaimation of three of its most holy sites which it claimed had suffered at the hands of Islam, at Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi. L K Advani, the leader of the BJP in his memoirs argued, "If Muslims are entitled to an Islamic atmosphere in Mecca, and if Christians are entitled to a Christian atmosphere in the Vatican, why is it wrong for the Hindus to expect a Hindu atmosphere in Ayodhya?"
The legal case continues regarding the title deed of the land tract which is a government controlled property.[12] While the Muslim parties want the Babri Mosque to be reconstructed through a court order, the Hindu side wants a law in parliament to have a temple constructed,[13] saying faith in the existence of Ram Janmabhoomi cannot be decided in a court of law.
The situation regarding the Ram Janmabhoomi has been compared to the Temple Mount controversies and claims in Israel by Daniel Pipes. In particular, Pipes writes:
Ayodhya prompts several thoughts relating to the Temple Mount. It shows that the Temple Mount dispute is far from unique. Moslems have habitually asserted the supremacy of Islam through architecture, building on top of the monuments of other faiths (as in Jerusalem and Ayodhya) or appropriating them (e.g. the Ka'ba in Mecca and the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople).[14]
Nobel Laureate V. S. Naipaul has praised Hindu Nationalists for "reclaiming India's Hindu heritage"[15]. He further added that the destruction of Babri mosque was an act of historical balancing[16] and the repatriation of the Ramjanmabhoomi was a "welcome sign that Hindu pride was re-asserting itself."[17]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ Sayyid Shahabuddin Abdur Rahman, Babri Masjid, 3rd print, Azamgarh: Darul Musannifin Shibli Academy, 1987, pp. 29-30.
- ^ Legacy of Muslim Rule in India Chapter 8
- ^ 15th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1986, entry "Ayodhya," Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc.
- ^ a b Sikand, Yoginder (2006-08-05). "Ayodhya's Forgotten Muslim Past". Counter Currents. http://www.countercurrents.org/comm-sikand050806.htm. Retrieved 2008-01-12.
- ^ Ali (preface by Irfan Habib), M.Athar (2008). Mughal India. New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195696615.
- ^ Babri mosque demolition case hearing today Yahoo News - September 18, 2007
- ^ Tearing down the Babri Masjid - Eye Witness BBC's Mark Tully BBC - Thursday, 5 December, 2002, 19:05 GMT
- ^ Babri Masjid demolition was planned 10 months in advance - PTI
- ^ Six more months for Liberhan Commission The Hindu - March 12, 2004
- ^ Report Blaming Hindu Nationalist Leaders for Role in 1992 Destruction of Mosque Rocks Indian Parliament
- ^ "India Seeks Harmony Amid Diversity". The Christian Science Monitor. 1993-02-03. http://www.csmonitor.com/1993/0203/03191.html. Retrieved 2009-05-07.
- ^ Obeying court orders only course open: Muslim board, Times of India
- ^ Lessons for Ayodhya from Lahore gurdwara, Times of India
- ^ Pipes, Daniel (2001-01-17). "The Temple Mount's Indian counterpart". Jerusalem Post. http://www.danielpipes.org/article/368. Retrieved 2009-05-07. . See also Hassner, Ron E., War on Sacred Grounds. 2009. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. pp.76-78 [1]
- ^ Naipaul, V.S, Beyond belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples,Vintage Books,1998
- ^ outlookindia.com
- ^ Naipaul V.S. a million Mutinies now, Penguin 1992
[edit] Further reading
- Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, by Ram Sharan Sharma, People's Publishing House (PPH), 2nd Revised Edition, September, 1999, Delhi. Translated into Bengali, Hindi, Kannada, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu. Two versions in Bengali.
- Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. 1996. Edited, translated and annotated by Wheeler M. Thacktson. New York and London: Oxford University Press.
- Ayodhya and the Future of India. 1993. Edited by Jitendra Bajaj. Madras: Centre for Policy Studies.
- Elst, Koenraad, Ayodhya: The Case Against the Temple (2002) ISBN 81-85990-75-1
- Emmanuel, Dominic. "The Mumbai bomb blasts and the Ayodhya tangle", National Catholic Reporter (Kansas City, August 27, 2003).
- Harsh Narain. 1993. The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources. Delhi: Penman Publishers.
- Hassner, Ron E., War on Sacred Grounds. 2009. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. [2]
- R. Nath. Babari Masjid of Ayodhya, Jaipur 1991.
- A. Nandy, S. Trivedy, S. Mayaram, Achyut Yagnik Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self, Oxford University Press, USA (1998), ISBN 0195642716.
- Rajaram, N.S. (2000). Profiles in Deception: Ayodhya and the Dead Sea Scrolls. New Delhi: Voice of India
- Thakur Prasad Varma and Swarajya Prakash Gupta: Ayodhya ka Itihas evam Puratattva— Rigveda kal se ab tak ("History and Archaeology of Ayodhya— From the Time of the Rigveda to the Present"). Bharatiya Itihasa evam Samskrit Parishad and DK Printworld. New Delhi.
- Thapar, Romila. A Historical Perspective on the Story of Rama in Thapar (2000).
- Thapar, Romila. Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History (New Delhi: Oxford University, 2000) ISBN 0-19-564050-0.
Ram Janmabhoomi
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Ram Janmabhoomi (Hindi/Devanagiri: राम जन्मभूमि) is the "Birthplace of Rama." Rama is a major Mythological figure in Indian history and the Hindu religion where he is described as an avatar of Vishnu in Hinduism. The exact location of Rama's birth is not stated with any specific accuracy by the Hindu texts, but the term popularly refers to a tract of land in the North Indian city of Ayodhya. From 1528 to 1992 this was the site of the Babri Mosque, which was destroyed when a political rally developed into a riot involving 150,000 people. Archaeological excavations at the site by the Archeological Survey of India reported the existence of a massive structure, presumably the foundations of a former Rama temple, lying beneath.[1] This Hindu temple was demolished or dramatically modified on the orders of the Mughal Emperor Babur and the mosque was built in its place. A movement was launched in 1984 by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP party) to reclaim the site for Hindus, and wants to erect a temple dedicated to Ram, the infant Rama at this spot. Many Muslim organizations have continued to express outrage at the destruction of the mosque and strongly oppose the building of the temple.
References such as the 1986 edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica reported that "Rama's birthplace is marked by a mosque, erected by the Moghul emperor Babar in 1528 on the site of an earlier temple".[2] According to the Hindu view, the ancient temple could have been destroyed on the orders of Mughal emperor Babur. This view has been supported by findings of Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), which carried out an excavation in Ayodhya.[3]
The latest archeological evidence comes from examination of the site after the destruction of the Babri Mosque. The Archaeological Survey of India under BB Lal, although initially published as finding no significant structures as these reports were based on inconclusive facts and were mere a media leak, subsequently put forward evidence of a pre-existing temple predating the mosque by hundreds of years as its final report;.
Claims have been made that worship took place on a platform called the "Ram Chabutara" prior to Independence. According to British sources, Hindus and Muslims used to worship together in the Disputed Structure in the 19th century until about 1855. P. Carnegy wrote in 1870:
"It is said that up to that time, the Hindus and Mohamedans alike used to worship in the mosquetemple. Since the British rule a railing has been put up to prevent dispute, within which, in the mosque the Mohamedans pray, while outside the fence the Hindus have raised a platform on which they make their offerings."[4]This platform was outside the disputed structure but within its precincts. Hindu protagonists say that they have been demanding the return of the site for centuries, and cite accounts from several western travellers to India during the Mughal rule in India. Colonial British records maintain that efforts to replace the mosque with a temple dated from well before independence in 1947, but had been stymied by both the central government and various Indian courts.
[edit] Chronology of events
In 12th century, a temple complex is built in honour of Lord Ram.[citation needed]
In 1528, the Babri Mosque is constructed by Babar's general , Mir Baqi on the orders of the Mughal leader Babur post destruction of existing Ram Mandir.
In 1949, icons of Lord Ram appeared in the Babri Mosque. The semi-governmental Waqf Board, an Indian Muslim trust owned the land on which the mosque stood. Both Hindu and Muslim parties launch civil suits. The Indian government, declaring the site "disputed", locks the gates to the mosque.[5]
In 1984, a movement is started for the creation of the Ram Janmabhoomi temple by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bharatiya Janata Party, under the leadership of L K Advani.[5]
In 1986, a district judge of Uttar Pradesh, orders the opening of the disputed structure to Hindus. This, allegedly, came from the Congress government, headed by Rajiv Gandhi, which tried to balance the favour shown to the Muslims in Shah Bano controversy.[5]
In 1989- 1990, the VHP intensifies its activities by laying foundations of the Ram temple on the adjacent property. Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar proposes negotiations which only intensify the crisis.
In 1992, on 6 December, the Babri Mosque is forcibly demolished by Kar Sevaks.[5][6] The then Narasimha Rao led Congress government let a makeshift mosque appear in its place before moving the courts for status quo.[7] The demolition of the mosque triggered large-scale rioting.
In 2005 Islamist terrorists attacked the structure and were gunned down by security forces (for more information see Ram Mandir Attack). On 3 April 2009 the Bhartiya Janta Party - BJP released their Manifesto again promising to construct Ram Mandir -[3] -[4]
In November 2009 details of the Archeological survey are announced, which result in heated exchanges in the Indian parliament.
[edit] Archaeology of the site
Archaeological excavations by the Archaeological Survey of India in 1970, 1992 and 2003 in and around the disputed site have indicated a large Hindu complex existed prior to the Babri structure.
Historical accounts of the site
[edit] Joseph Tieffenthaler
The Austrian Jesuit Joseph Tieffenthaler wrote in 1768: "Emperor Aurangzeb demolished the fortress called Ramcot, and erected on the same place a Mohammedan temple with three cupolas. Others believe that it was constructed by Babor."[8] Tieffenthaler also writes that Hindus celebrated Ram Navami (Rama's birth festival) in front of the mosque, and that the mosque was built on a temple.[9] He wrote: "The reason is that here existed formerly a house in which Beschan (Vishnu) took birth in the form of Rama and where it is said his three brothers were also born. Subsequently Aurangzeb and some say Babar destroyed the place in order to prevent the heathens from practising their ceremonies. However, they have continued to practice their religious ceremonies in both the places knowing this to have been the birth place of Rama by going around it three times and prostrating on the ground."[10]
The tradition of treating the site as the birthplace of Rama appears to have begun in early l8th century. The earliest suggestion that the Babri Mosque is in proximity to the birthplace of Ram was made by the Jesuit priest Joseph Tieffenthaler, whose work in French was published in Berlin in 1788. It says:
"Emperor Aurangzeb got demolished the fortress called Ramkot, and erected on the same place a Mahometan temple with three cuppolas. Others believe that it was constructed by Babar. We see 14 columns of black stone 5 spans high that occupy places within the fortress. Twelve of these columns now bear the interior arcades of the Masjid; two (of the 12) make up the entrance of the cloister. Two others form part of the tomb of a certain Moor. It is related that these columns, or rather the debris of these columns, were brought from Lanka (called Ceylon by the Europeans) by Hanuman, chief of the monkeys." which in French reads as
l'empereur Aurungzeb détruisit la forteresse appelée Ramkot et construisit sur le même emplacement un temple musulman avec 3 dômes. D'autres pensent qu'il a été construit par Babar. On peut voir 14 colonnes faites en pierre noire qui soutiennent des découpages ...
... Plus tard Aurungzeb, ou, selon certains, Babar, détruisit l'endroit afin d'empêcher des païens de pratiquer leurs cérémonies. Toutefois ils continuèrent à pratiquer leurs cérémonies religieuses dans ce lieu, le connaisant comme celui de la naissance de Rama, en en faisant 3 fois le tour et en se prosternant à terre..
We see on the left a square platform 5 inches above ground, 5 inches long and 4 inches wide, constructed of mud and covered with lime. The Hindus call it bedi, that is to say, the birth-place. The reason is that here there was a house in which Beschan, (Bishan-Vishnu) took the form of Rama, and his three brothers are also said to have been born. Subsequently, Aurangzeb, or according to others, Babar razed this place down, in order not to give the Gentiles (Hindus) occasion to practice their superstition. However, they continued to follow their practices in both places, believing it to be the birthplace of Rama." Questions of history
This record reveals that Aurengzeb demolished the Ramkot fortress; that either he, or Babar constructed a Mosque there; the 12 columns of black stone pillars were brought from Lanka; and when veneration of Rama became prevalent after the 17th century, a small rectangular mud platform was built to mark the birthplace of Rama.
[edit] Mirza Jan
Mirza Jan was a Muslim who participated in an attempt reconquest the Hanuman Ghari temple (which is a few hundred yards from the Babri Mosque) during Wajid Ali Shah's rule.
Mirza Jan wrote in 1856 that "a lofty mosque has been built by badshah Babar" on "the original birthplace of Rama", so that "where there was a big temple, a big mosque was constructed, and where there was a small temple, a small mosque was constructed".[11] Mizra Jan also wrote: 'wherever they found magnificent temples of the Hindus ever since the establishment of Sayyid Salar Mas'ud Ghazi's rule, the Muslim rulers in India built mosques, monasteries, and inns, appointed mu'azzins, teachers, and store-stewards, spread Islam vigorously, and vanquished the Kafirs. Likewise, they cleared up Faizabad and Avadh, too, from the filth of reprobation (infidelity), because it was a great centre of worship and capital of Rama's father. Where there stood the great temple (of Ramjanmasthan), there they built a big mosque, and, where there was a small mandap (pavilion), there they erected a camp mosque (masjid-i mukhtasar-i qanati). The Janmasthan temple is the principal place of Rama's incarnation, adjacent to which is the Sita ki Rasoi. Hence, what a lofty mosque was built there by king Babar in 923 A. H. (1528 A.D.), under the patronage of Musa Ashiqan! The mosque is still known far and wide as the Sita ki Rasoi mosque. And that temple is extant by its side (aur pahlu mein wah dair baqi hai) ' (Mirza Jan: Hadiqa-i Shahada ("The garden of martyrdom"), Lucknow 1856p. 247). Mirza Jan also wrote (quoting a relative of Aurangzeb), that the temples of Rama, Shiva, Krishna as well as Sita's Kitchen (i.e. part of the Ramkot complex) "were all demolished for the strength of Islam, and at all these places mosques have been constructed".[12][edit] Shykh Muhammad Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami
Shykh Muhammad Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami (1811–1893) wrote: 'According to old records, it has been a rule with the Muslim rulers from the first to build mosques, monasteries, and inns, spread Islam, and put (a stop to) non-Islamic practices, wherever they found prominence (of kufr). Accordingly, even as they cleared up Mathura, Bindraban, etc., from the rubbish of non-Islamic practices, the Babari mosque was built up in 923(?) A.H. under the patronage of Sayyid Musa Ashiqan in the Janmasthan temple (butkhane Janmasthan mein) in Faizabad-Avadh, which was a great place of (worship) and capital of Rama's father' (p. 9). 'Among the Hindus it was known as Sita ki Rasoi' (p. 10).[13] Zak Kakorawi, in his publication of the work of Shykh Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami, also includes an excerpt written by Mirza Rajab Ali Beg Surur. Mirza Rajab Ali Beg Surur (1787–1867) wrote in Fasanah-i Ibrat that 'a great mosque was built on the spot where Sita ki Rasoi is situated. During the regime of Babar, the Hindus had no guts to be a match for the Muslims. The mosque was built in 923(?) A.H. under the patronage of Sayyid Mir Ashiqan… Aurangzeb built a mosque on the Hanuman Garhi… The Bairagis effaced the mosque and erected a temple in its place. Then idols began to be worshipped openly in the Babari mosque where the Sita ki Rasoi is situated,' (pp. 71–72).
However, some observers have likened this account very similar to this Colonial exchange between the British Viceroy and the Prime Minister "Every civil building connected with Mahommedan tradition should be levelled to the ground without regard to antiquarian veneration or artistic predilection." British Prime Minister Palmerston's Letter No. 9 dated 9 October 1857, to Lord Canning, Viceroy of India, Canning Papers.
[edit] Guru Nanak Dev
According to Bhai Man Singh's Pothi Janam Sakhi (late 18th century), Guru Nanak visited Ayodhya and said to his Muslim disciple Mardana: 'Mardania! eh Ajudhia nagari Sri Ramachandraji Ji ki hai. So, chal, iska darsan kari'e. Translation: 'Mardana! this Ayodhya city belongs to Sri Ramachandra Ji. So let us go for his darshan [visit with God].'[14] Nevertheless, Guru Nanak does not specifically state which temple should be visited.
[edit] Abul Fazl
In Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari (1598), Ayodhya is called "one of the holiest places of antiquity" and "the residence of Shree Ramchandra". It mentions the celebration of Rama's birth festival (Ram Navmi) in Ayodhya.[15] However, again no specific spot was identified, in this account. He even mentions small details such as two Jewish priests lay buried in Ayodhya. Yet there is not the remotest reference to Ram's birthsite, let alone to any mosque built on it. Clearly the tradition did not continue Ram's birthplace to the existing town of Ayodhya, or the site occupied by the Babri Mosque.
[edit] Ram Sharan Sharma
In his slim yet insightful booklet, Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma writes, "Ayodhya seems to have emerged as a place of religious pilgrimage in medieval times. Although chapter 85 of the Vishnu Smriti lists as many as fifty-two places of pilgrimage, including towns, lakes, rivers, mountains, etc., it does not include Ayodhya in this list."[16] Sharma also notes that Tulsidas, who wrote the Ramcharitmanas in 1574 at Ayodhya, does not mention it as a place of pilgrimage.[16] After the demolition of Babri Mosque, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma along with Historians Suraj Bhan, M.Athar Ali and Dwijendra Narayan Jha came up with the Historian's report to the nation on how the communalists were mistaken in their assumption that there was a temple at the disputed site and how it was sheer vandalism in bringing down the mosque and the book has been translated into all the Indian languages.[17]
[edit] Other sources
A. Führer wrote that: 'Mir Khan built a masjid in A.H. 930 during the reign of Babar, which still bears his name. This old temple must have been a fine one, for many of its columns have been utilized by the Musalmans in the construction of Babar's Masjid.'[18]
H.R. Neville wrote that the Janmasthan temple "was destroyed by Babar and replaced by a mosque."[19] He also wrote "The Janmasthan was in Ramkot and marked the birthplace of Rama. In 1528 A.D. Babar came to Ayodhya and halted here for a week. He destroyed the ancient temple and on its site built a mosque, still known as Babar's mosque. The materials of the old structure [i.e., the temple] were largely employed, and many of the columns were in good preservation."[20]
William Flinch, AD 1608,the British historian William Flinch who stayed in India during AD 1608-11 gives a detailed description of Ayodhya and the castle of Ramchand (Ramkot), "extensive enough to undertake a search for gold." Though he does not mention the birthplace of Rama, he gives a detailed account of the place where the ashes of Ram are kept. "Some two miles on the further side of the river in a cave of his with a narrow entrance, but so spacious and full of turnings within that a man may well loose himself there if he taketh not better heed; where it is thought his ashes were buried. Hither resort many from all parts of India, which carry from thence in remembrance certain grains of rice as black as gunpowder which they say have been preserved ever since." Had the place been considered sacred for being the birthplace of the Lord Rama, it should have become one of the places of pilgrimage. Instead the place where his ashes are kept was considered a place of veneration.
According to Romila Thapar "If we do not take Hindu mythology in account the first historical description of the city dates back recently to the 7th century, when the Chinese pilgrim Xuan Zang observed there were 20 Buddhist temples with 3000 monks at Ayodhya, amongst a large Hindu population. In 1528, nobles under Mughal emperor Babur constructed a mosque over the disputed site. The mosque, called the Babri Masjid, has become a source of contention for some Hindus. At the end of the 19th century, Ayodhya contained 96 Hindu temples and 36 Muslim mosques. Little local trade was carried on, but the great Hindu fair of Ram Navami held every year was attended by about 500,000 people.".
[edit] Alleged censorship
Hindu parties cite that several attempts to censor information regarding the destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi (and other temples) have been discovered. The book "Hindustan Islami Ahad Mein" by Maulana Hakim Saiyid Abdul Hai, which included a chapter that described the demolition of the Ram Janmabhoomi and other temples, was suddenly missing in most libraries. The English version (1977) has the passages that described the destruction of temples censored out.
The book Muruqqa-i Khusrawi by Sheikh Mohammed Azamat Ali Nami, published by Zaki Kakorawi with the financial aid of the F.A. Ahmad Memorial Committee, has a chapter describing the destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi censored out. Zaki Kakorawi later published the relevant chapter independently. He wrote about this incident that the 'suppression of any part of any old composition or compilation like this can create difficulties and misunderstandings for future historians and researchers'.[21] The historicity of Rama is a much debated issue as many historians refuse to agree that the timeline that is represented in Ramayana could conform to human civilization patterns that existed in various eras of human history.
[edit] Ram Janmabhoomi temple construction
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The matter is under court investigation but this does not seem to deter the VHP in preparing for its grand construction and some models and basic stone work has already been completed channelled by different organisations including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad which gains substantial amount of cashflows from expatriate Hindu populations in the US and Europe. Various workshops in different parts of India are working continuously since Sept. 1990. Till 2001, about 45% of the work on Ground Floor was completed.
[edit] The Ayodhya debate
[edit] Notes
- ^ http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/aug/25ayo1.htm
- ^ 15th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1986, entry "Ayodhya", Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc.
- ^ "Evidence of temple found: ASI". 25 August 2003. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030826/main6.htm.
- ^ P. Carnegy: A Historical Sketch of Tehsil Fyzabad, Lucknow 1870, cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 81-85504-16-4 p.8-9, and by Peter Van der Veer Religious Nationalism, p.153
- ^ a b c d BBC.com Timeline: Ayodhya Crisis, 5 July 2005
- ^ [1] BBC Mark Tully, Eyewitness: Ayodhya destruction London, UK, 5 July 2005
- ^ [2] Kuldeep Nair, Editors and Prime Ministers Rediff
- ^ (Quoted by R.S. Sharma et al.: Historians Report, p.19)
- ^ (A.K. Chatterjee: "Ram Janmabhoomi: some more evidence", Indian Express, 27-3-1990 and History and Geography of India, by Joseph Tieffenthaler, (published in French by Bernoulli in 1785))
- ^ Joseph Tieffenthaler, History and Geography of India, 1785, publisher: Bernoulli, France, cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164 p.8-9, and by Peter Van der Veer Religious Nationalism, p.153
- ^ Mirza Jan, Hadiqa-i Shahada ("The garden of martyrdom"),1856, Lucknow, cited by VHP evidence bundle History vs. Casuistry, Voice of India, Delhi, 1991, p.14; also cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164 p.8-9, and by Peter Van der Veer Religious Nationalism, p.153
- ^ Sahifa-i Chahal Nasaih Bahadur Shahi, Letter of the Forty Advices of Bahadur Shah, also cited in VHP evidence bundle. History vs. Casuistry, p. 13-14.), cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164 p.8-9, and by Peter Van der Veer Religious Nationalism, p.153
- ^ Shykh Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami, Muraqqah-i Khusrawi or Tarikh-i Avadh cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164
- ^ Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, pp 14-15, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164
- ^ (R.S. Sharma et al.: Historians' Report, p.16.)
- ^ a b Sikand, Yoginder (2006-08-05). "Ayodhya's Forgotten Muslim Past". Counter Currents. http://www.countercurrents.org/comm-sikand050806.htm. Retrieved 2008-01-12.
- ^ Ali (preface by Irfan Habib), M.Athar (2008). Mughal India. New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195696615.
- ^ ( A. Führer: The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Archaeological Survey of India Report, 1891, pp 296-297) cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164
- ^ (H.R. Neville in the Barabanki District Gazetteer, Lucknow, 1905, pp 168-169)
- ^ H.R. Neville, Fyzabad District Gazetteer, Lucknow, 1905, pp 172-177) cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 8185504164
- ^ (Amir Ali Shahid aur Ma'rkah-i Hanuman Garhi, p. 3)
[edit] See also
- All India Babri Masjid Action Committee
- Babur
- Ram Karmabhoomi
- Conversion of non-Muslim places of worship into mosques
[edit] References
- Ram Sharan Sharma. Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, People's Publishing House (PPH), 2nd Revised Edition, September, 1999, Delhi. Translated into Bengali, Hindi, Kannada, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu. Two versions in Bengali.
- Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. 1996. Edited, translated and annotated by Wheeler M. Thacktson. New York and London: Oxford University Press.
- Swapan Dasgupta et al.: The Ayodhya Reference: Supreme Court Judgement and Commentaries. 1995. New Delhi: Voice of India. ISBN 81-85990-30-1
- Ayodhya and the Future of India. 1993. Edited by Jitendra Bajaj. Madras: Centre for Policy Studies. ISBN 81-86041-02-8 hb ISBN 81-86041-03-6 pb
- Elst, Koenraad. 1991. Ayodhya and After: Issues Before Hindu Society. 1991. New Delhi: Voice of India. [5]
- Elst, Koenraad, Ayodhya, The Finale - Science versus Secularism the Excavations Debate (2003) ISBN 81-85990-77-8
- Elst, Koenraad, Ayodhya: The Case Against the Temple (2002) ISBN 81-85990-75-1
- Emmanuel, Dominic. 'The Mumbai bomb blasts and the Ayodhya tangle', National Catholic Reporter (Kansas City, 27 August 2003).
- Sita Ram Goel: Hindu Temples - What Happened to Them, Voice of India, Delhi 1991. [6] [7]
- Harsh Narain. 1993. The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources. Delhi: Penman Publishers.
- R. Nath. Babari Masjid of Ayodhya, Jaipur 1991.
- A. Nandy, S. Trivedy, S. Mayaram, Achyut Yagnik, Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self, Oxford University Press, USA (1998), ISBN 0195642716.
- Rajaram, N.S. (2000). Profiles in Deception: Ayodhya and the Dead Sea Scrolls. New Delhi: Voice of India
- Thakur Prasad Varma and Swarajya Prakash Gupta: Ayodhya ka Itihas evam Puratattva— Rigveda kal se ab tak ('History and Archaeology of Ayodhya— From the Time of the Rigveda to the Present'). Bharatiya Itihasa evam Samskrit Parishad and DK Printworld. New Delhi.
- Thapar, Romila. 'A Historical Perspective on the Story of Rama' in Thapar (2000).
- Thapar, Romila. Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History (New Delhi: Oxford University, 2000) ISBN 0-19-564050-0.
- Ayodhya ka Itihas evam Puratattva— Rigveda kal se ab tak ('History and Archaeology of Ayodhya— From the Time of the Rigveda to the Present') by Thakur Prasad Varma and Swarajya Prakash Gupta. Bharatiya Itihasa evam Samskrit Parishad and DK Printworld. New Delhi. (An important work on the archaeology of the temple.)
- History versus Casuistry: Evidence of the Ramajanmabhoomi Mandir presented by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to the Government of India in December-January 1990-91. New Delhi: Voice of India.
[edit] In fiction
- The Babri riots are depicted in the 1995 film Bombay.
- Nasrin, Taslima: Lajja
[edit] External links
Babri Mosque
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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| Babri Mosque | |
|---|---|
Rear view of the Babri Mosque, pre-1992 | |
| Coordinates: 26°47′44″N 82°11′40″E / 26.7956°N 82.1945°E / 26.7956; 82.1945Coordinates: 26°47′44″N 82°11′40″E / 26.7956°N 82.1945°E / 26.7956; 82.1945 | |
| Location | Ayodhya, India |
| Established | Constructed - 1527 Destroyed - 1992 |
| Architectural information | |
| Style | Tughlaq |
The Babri Mosque (Hindi: बाबरी मस्जिद, Urdu: بابری مسجد), Babri Masjid or Mosque of Babur was a mosque in Ayodhya, on Ramkot Hill ("Rama's fort"). It was destroyed in 1992 when a political rally developed into a riot involving 150,000 people,[1] despite a commitment to the Indian Supreme Court by the rally organisers that the mosque would not be harmed.[2][3] More than 2000 people were killed in ensuing riots in many major Indian cities including Mumbai and Delhi.[4] The mosque was constructed in 1527 by order of Babur, the first Mughal emperor of India.[5][6] Before the 1940s, the mosque was called Masjid-i Janmasthan ("mosque of the birthplace").[7] The Babri Mosque was one of the largest mosques in Uttar Pradesh, a state in India with some 31 million Muslims.[8] Although there were several older mosques in the city of Ayodhya, an area with a substantial Muslim population, including the Hazrat Bal Mosque constructed by the Shariqi kings, the Babri Mosque became the largest, due to the importance of the disputed site. The political, historical and socio-religious debate over the history and location of the Babri Mosque and whether a previous temple was demolished or modified to create it, is known as the Ayodhya Debate.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Architecture of the mosque
The rulers of the Sultanate of Delhi and its successor Mugal Empire were great patrons of art and architecture and constructed many fine tombs, mosques and madrasas. These have a distinctive style which bears influences of 'later Tughlaq' architecture. Mosques all over India were built in different styles; the most elegant styles developed in areas where indigenous art traditions were strong and local artisans were highly skilled. Thus regional or provincial styles of mosques grew out of local temple or domestic styles, which were conditioned in their turn by climate, terrain, materials, hence the enormous difference between the mosques of Bengal, Kashmir and Gujarat. The Babri Mosque followed the architectural school of Jaunpur.
Babri was an important mosque of a distinct style, preserved mainly in architecture, developed after the Delhi Sultanate was established (1192). The square CharMinar of Hyderabad (1591) with large arches, arcades, and minarets is typical. This art made extensive use of stone and reflected Indian adaptation to Muslim rule, until Mughals art replaced it in the 17th century, as typified by structures like the Taj Mahal.
The traditional hypostyle plan with an enclosed courtyard, imported from Western Asia was generally associated with the introduction of Islam in new areas, but was abandoned in favour of schemes more suited to local climate and needs. The Babri Masjid was a mixture of the local influence and the Western Asian style and examples of this type of mosque are common in India.
The Babri Mosque was a large imposing structure with three domes, one central and two secondary. It is surrounded by two high walls, running parallel to each other and enclosing a large central courtyard with a deep well, which was known for its cold and sweet water. On the high entrance of the domed structure are fixed two stone tablets which bear two inscriptions in Persian declaring that this structure was built by one Mir Baqi on the orders of Babur. The walls of the Babri Mosque are made of coarse-grained whitish sandstone blocks, rectangular in shape, while the domes are made of thin and small burnt bricks. Both these structural ingredients are plastered with thick chunam paste mixed with coarse sand.
The Central Courtyard was surrounded by lavishly curved columns superimposed to increase the height of the ceilings. The plan and the architecture followed the Begumpur Friday mosque of Jahanpanah rather than the Moghul style where Hindu masons used their own trabeated structural and decorative traditions. The excellence of their craftsmanship is noticeable in their vegetal scrolls and lotus patterns. These motifs are also present in the Firuyyz Shah Mosque in Firuzabad (c.1354) now in a ruined state, Qila Kuhna Mosque (c.1540, The Darasbari Mosque in the Southern suburb of the walled city of Gaur, and the Jamali Kamili Mosque built by Sher Shah Suri this was the forerunner of the Indo Islamic style adopted by Akbar.
[edit] Babri Masjid acoustic and cooling system
"A whisper from the Babri Masjid Mihrab could be heard clearly at the other end, 200 feet [60 m] away and through the length and breadth of the central court" according to Graham Pickford, architect to Lord William Bentinck (1828–1833). The mosque's acoustics were mentioned by him in his book 'Historic Structures of Oudhe' where he says "for a 16th century building the deployment and projection of voice from the pulpit is considerably advanced, the unique deployment of sound in this structure will astonish the visitor".
Modern architects have attributed this intriguing acoustic feature to a large recess in the wall of the Mihrab and several recesses in the surrounding walls which functioned as resonators; this design helped everyone to hear the speaker at the Mihrab. The sandstone used in building the Babri Mosque also had resonant qualities which contributed to the unique acoustics.
The Babri mosque's Tughluquid style integrated other indigenous design components and techniques, such as air cooling systems disguised as Islamic architectural elements like arches, vaults and domes. In the Babri Masjid a passive environmental control system comprised the high ceiling, domes, and six large grille windows. The system helped keep the interior cool by allowing natural ventilation as well as daylight.
[edit] Legend of the Babri Mosque's miraculous well
The reported medicinal properties of the deep well in the central courtyard have been featured in various news reports such as the BBC report of December 1989 and in various newspapers. The earliest mention of the Babri water well was in a two line reference to the Mosque in the Gazette of Faizabad District 1918 which says "There are no significant historical buildings here, except for various Buddhist shrines, the Babri Mosque is an ancient structure with a well which both the Hindus and Mussalmans claim has Miraculous properties." There is significant similarity between the supposed miraculous properties of the water from the Babri mosque well and Kaaba's Zamzam Well.
Ayodhya is a pilgrimage site for Hindus and the annual Ram festival is regularly attended by over 500,000 people of both the Hindu and Muslim faiths, and many devotees came to drink from the water well in the Babri Courtyard. It was believed drinking water from this well could cure a range of illnesses. Hindu pilgrims also believed that the Babri water well was the original well in the Ram Temple under the mosque. Ayodhya Muslims believed that the well was a gift from God. Local women regularly brought their new born babies to drink from the reputedly curative water.
The 125 foot (40 m) deep well was situated in the south-eastern section of the large rectangular courtyard of the Babri Mosque. There was a small Hindu shrine built in 1890 joining the well with a statue of Lord Rama. It was an artesian well and drew water from a considerable distance below the water table. Eleven feet (3 m) in radius, the first 30 feet (10 m) from ground level were bricked. It drew water from a reservoir trapped in a bed of shale sand and gravel, which would explain the unusually cool temperature of the water. The water contained almost no sodium, giving it a reputation of tasting 'sweet.' Accessing the well involved climbing onto a three foot (1 m) platform, where the well was covered with planks of thick wood with an unhinged trapdoor. Water was drawn by means of a bucket and long lengths of rope and due to its claimed 'spiritual properties' was used only for drinking.
Hindus and Muslims in Ayodhya both considered the Babri Mosque Complex a haven of peace and spiritual tranquillity. Many people in the area, of both faiths, had a profound belief in the miraculous properties of its cold and pure underground water, which was reinforced by abundant local folklore.
[edit] History
[edit] Origins
[edit] Hindu account
When the Muslim emperor Babur came down from Ferghana in 1527, he defeated the Hindu King of Chittodgad, Rana Sangrama Singh at Sikri, using cannon and artillery. After this victory, Babur took over the region, leaving his general, Mir Baqi, in charge as viceroy.
Mir Baqi allegedly destroyed the temple at Ayodhya, built by the Hindus to commemorate Rama's birthplace, and built the Babri Masjid, naming it after Emperor Babur.[9] Although there is no reference to the new mosque in Babur's diary, the Baburnama, the pages of the relevant period are missing in the diary. The contemporary Tarikh-i-Babari records that Babur's troops "demolished many Hindu temples at Chanderi"[10]
Palaeographic evidence of an older Hindu temple on the site emerged from an inscription on a thick stone slab recovered from the debris of the demolished structure in 1992. Over 260 other artifacts were recovered on the day of demolition, and many point to being part of the ancient temple. The inscription on the slab has 20 lines, 30 shlokas (verses), and is composed in Sanskrit written in the Nagari script. The 'Nagari Lipi' script was prevalent in the eleventh and twelfth century. The crucial part of the message as deciphered by a team comprising epigraphists, Sanskrit scholars, historians and archaeologists including Prof. A.M. Shastri, Dr. K.V. Ramesh, Dr. T.P. Verma, Prof. B.R. Grover, Dr. A.K. Sinha, Dr. Sudha Malaiya, Dr. D.P. Dubey and Dr. G.C. Tripathi.
The first twenty verses are the praises of the king Govind Chandra Gharhwal (AD 1114 to 1154) and his dynasty. The twenty-first verse says the following; "For the salvation of his soul the King, after paying his obeisance at the little feet of Vamana Avatar (the incarnation of a god as a midget Brahmana) went about constructing a wondrous temple for Vishnu Hari (Shri Rama) with marvelous pillars and structure of stone reaching the skies and culminating in a superb top with a massive sphere of gold and projecting shafts in the sky - a temple so grand that no other King in the History of the nation had ever built before."
It further states that this temple (ati-adbhutam) was built in the temple-city of Ayodhya.
In another reference, the Faizabad District Judge on a plaint filed by Mahant Raghubar Das gave a judgment on 18 March 1886. Though the plaint was dismissed, the judgment brought out two relevant points;
"I found that Masjid built by Emperor Babur stands on the border of the town of Ayodhya…. It is most unfortunate that Masjid should have been built on land specially held sacred by the Hindus, but as that event occurred 358 years ago it is too late now to remedy the grievance. All that can be done is to maintain the parties in status quo. In such a case as the present one any innovation would cause more harm and derangement of order than benefit."
[edit] Jain account
According to Jain Samata Vahini, a social organization of the Jains, "the only structure that could be found during excavation would be a sixth century Jain temple".
Sohan Mehta, the General Secretary of Jain Samata Vahini, claims that the demolished disputed structure was actually built on the remnants of an ancient Jain temple, and that the excavation by ASI, ordered by Allahabad High Court to settle the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi dispute, would prove it.
Mehta quotied writings of 18th century Jain monks stating Ayodhya was the place where five Jain teerthankars, Rishabhdeo, Ajeeth Nath, Abhinandanji, Sumati Nath and Anant Nath, stayed. The ancient city was among the five biggest centres of Jainism and Buddhism prior to 1527.[11]
[edit] Muslim account
Muslims generally dispute the legitimacy of Hindu claims to the site and their significance. They believe the archeological reports relied on by the Hindu nationalist groups Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Hindu Munnani to lay claim to the Babri Masjid site are politically motivated and inherently biased against Islam.
[edit] Disputes over the site
The first recorded incident of violence over the issue between Hindus and Muslims took place in 1853 during the reign of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh.
According to the District Gazetteer Faizabad 1905, it is said that "up to this time (1855), both the Hindus and Muslims used to worship in the same building. But since the Mutiny (1857), an outer enclosure has been put up in front of the Masjid and the Hindus forbidden access to the inner yard, make the offerings on a platform (chabootra), which they have raised in the outer one."
Efforts in 1883 to construct a temple on this chabootra were halted by the Deputy Commissioner who prohibited it on January 19, 1885. Raghubir Das, a mahant, filed a suit before the Faizabad Sub-Judge. Pandit Harikishan was seeking permission to construct a temple on this chabootra measuring 17 ft. x 21 ft., but the suit was dismissed. An appeal was filed before the Faizabad District Judge, Colonel J.E.A. Chambiar who, after an inspection of spot on March 17, 1886, dismissed the appeal. A Second Appeal was filed on May 25, 1886, before the Judicial Commissioner of Awadh, W. Young, who also dismissed the appeal. With this, the first round of legal battle fought by the Hindus came to an end.
During the "communal riots" of 1934, walls around the Masjid and one of the domes of the Masjid were damaged. These were reconstructed by the British Government.
At midnight on December 22, 1949, when the police guards were asleep, statues of Rama and Sita were quietly brought into the mosque and erected. This was reported by the constable, Mata Prasad, the next morning and recorded at the Ayodhya police station. The following morning a large Hindu crowd attempted to enter the mosque to make offerings to the deities. The District Magistrate K.K. Nair has recorded that "The crowd made a most determined attempt to force entry. The lock was broken and policemen were rushed off their feet. All of us, officers and men, somehow pushed the crowd back and held the gate. The sadhus recklessly hurled themselves against men and arms and it was with great difficulty that we managed to hold the gate. The gate was secured and locked with a powerful lock brought from outside and police force was strengthened (5:00 pm)."
On hearing this news Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru directed UP Chief Minister Govind Ballabh Pant, to see that the deities were removed. Under Pant's orders, Chief Secretary Bhagwan Sahay and Inspector-General of Police V.N. Lahiri sent immediate instructions to Faizabad to remove the deities. However, K.K. Nair feared that the Hindus would retaliate and pleaded inability to carry out the orders.
Following these efforts by the Hindu groups to occupy the mosque, a suit was filed before Faizabad's civil judge on January 16, 1950, by one Gopal Singh Visharad, asking for unrestricted access. The senior saint and former Ramjanmabhoomi Trust chairman, the late Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans also filed a similar suit.
In 1985 the Rajiv Gandhi government ordered the locks on the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid in Ayodhya to be removed. Until then, only a Hindu priest had been permitted to perform yearly puja for the idols there in 1949. After the ruling, all Hindus were given access to what they consider the birthplace of Rama, and the mosque resumed its function as a Hindu temple.[12]
In 1984, the VHP launched a massive movement for the opening of the locks of the mosque, following which the Faizabad session judge on February 1, 1986, allowed Hindus to worship at the site and the locks were opened.
[edit] Archaeology Society of India report
Archaeological excavations by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 1970, 1992 and 2003 in and around the disputed site have indicated a large Hindu complex existed on the site.
In 2003, by the order of an Indian Court, The Archaeology Society of India was asked to conduct a more indepth study and an excavation to ascertain the type of structure that was beneath the rubble.[13] The summary of the ASI report [14] indicated definite proof of a temple under the mosque. In the words of ASI researchers, they discovered "distinctive features associated with... temples of north India". The excavations yielded:
| " | stone and decorated bricks as well as mutilated sculpture of a divine couple and carved architectural features, including foliage patterns, amalaka, kapotapali, doorjamb with semi-circular shrine pilaster, broke octagonal shaft of black schist pillar, lotus motif, circular shrine having pranjala (watershute) in the north and 50 pillar bases in association with a huge structure" [15] | " |
[edit] Fallout
The Muslims strongly criticized the report, claiming that it failed to mention any evidence of a temple in its interim reports and only revealed it in the final report which was submitted during a time of national tension, making the report highly suspect.[16]. This view was shared by many Muslim religious groups including the Sunni Waqf Board and the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
Examining the ASI's conclusion of a mandir (Hindu temple) under the structure, the VHP and the RSS stepped up demands for Muslims to restore the three holiest North Indian mandirs to Hindus.[15]
[edit] Demolition
On 6 December 1992, the Liberhan Commission was set up by the Government of India to probe the circumstances that led to the demolition of the Babri Masjid. It has been the longest running commission in India's history with 48 extensions granted by various governments. The commission submitted its report to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 30 June 2009, more than 16 years after the incident.[17]
Contents of the report were leaked to the news media in November 2009. The report blamed the high-ranking members of the Indian government and Hindu nationalists for the destruction of the mosque. Its contents caused uproar in the Indian parliament.
The Liberhan report has pieced together a sequence of events as they happened on December 6, 1992, the day the Babri Masjid was demolished by Kar Sevaks.
On that Sunday morning, LK Advani and others met at Vinay Katiyar's residence. They then proceeded to the disputed structure, the report says. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Katiyar reached the puja platform where symbolic Kar Seva was to be performed, and Advani and Joshi checked arrangements for the next 20 minutes. The two senior leaders then moved 200 metre away to the Ram Katha Kunj. This was a building facing the disputed structure where a dais had been erected for senior leaders.
At noon, a teenage Kar Sevak was "vaulted" on to the dome and that signaled the breaking of the outer cordon. The report notes that at this time Advani, Joshi and Vijay Raje Scindia made "feeble requests to the Kar Sevaks to come down... either in earnest or for the media's benefit". No appeal was made to the Kar Sevaks not to enter the sanctum sanctorum or not to demolish the structure. The report notes: "This selected act of the leaders itself speaks of the hidden intentions of one and all being to accomplish demolition of the disputed structure."
The report holds that the "icons of the movement present at the Ram Katha Kunj... could just as easily have... prevented the demolition." [18]
[edit] In popular culture
In fiction, Lajja, a controversial 1993 novel in Bengali by Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin, has a story based in the days after the demolition. After its release, the author received death threats in her home country and has been living in exile ever since.
The events that transpired in aftermath of the demolition and the riots are an important part of the plot of the films Bombay (1995), Striker (2010) and Naseem (1995), and also mentioned in Slumdog Millionaire (2008).
[edit] See also
| Ayodhya debate |
|---|
| Babri Mosque |
| Ram Janmabhoomi |
| Archaeology |
| 2005 Ram Janmabhoomi attack |
| Liberhan Commission |
| People and organizations |
| Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh |
| L. K. Advani |
| Atal Bihari Vajpayee |
| Murli Manohar Joshi |
| Kalyan Singh |
| All India Babri Masjid Action Committee |
| Babur |
| Bharatiya Janata Party |
| Koenraad Elst |
- Ram Janmabhoomi
- Conversion of non-Muslim places of worship into mosques
- All India Babri Masjid Action Committee
- Indian secularism
- In fiction: Bombay
- Bombay Riots
[edit] References
- ^ Babri mosque demolition case hearing today. Yahoo News - September 18, 2007
- ^ Tearing down the Babri Masjid - Eye Witness BBC's Mark Tully BBC - Thursday, 5 December 2002, 19:05 GMT
- ^ Babri Masjid demolition was planned 10 months in advance - PTI
- ^ The Ayodhya dispute. BBC News. November 15, 2004.
- ^ Flint, Colin (2005). The geography of war and peace. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195162080. http://books.google.com/books?id=7Ms5N7NhGXIC&pg=PA165.
- ^ Vitelli, Karen (2006). Archaeological ethics (2 ed.). Rowman Altamira. ISBN 9780759109636. http://books.google.com/books?id=LTW1Rf-NfJsC&pg=PA104.
- ^ Sayyid Shahabuddin Abdur Rahman, Babri Masjid, 3rd print, Azamgarh: Darul Musannifin Shibli Academy, 1987, pp. 29-30.
- ^ Indian Census
- ^ "Babri Mosjid -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia". Encyclopædia. Encyclopædia Britannica. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/47510/Babri-Mosjid. Retrieved 2008-07-02.
- ^ Sharma, Religious policy of the Mughal Emperors, page 9
- ^ http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=19686
- ^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?224878
- ^ Ratnagar, Shereen (2004) "CA Forum on Anthropology in Public: Archaeology at the Heart of a Political Confrontation: The Case of Ayodhya" Current Anthropology 45(2): pp. 239-259, p. 239
- ^ Prasannan, R. (7 September 2003) "Ayodhya: Layers of truth" The Week (India), from Web Archive
- ^ a b Suryamurthy, R. (August 2003) "ASI findings may not resolve title dispute" The Tribune - August 26, 2003
- ^ Muralidharan, Sukumar (September 2003) "Ayodhya: Not the last word yet" The Hindu 20(19):
- ^ Press Trust of India (June 30, 2009). Babri Masjid case: Liberhan Commission submits report to PM. Business Standard.
- ^ http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/report_sequence_of_events_on_december_6.php
[edit] Further reading
- Ram Sharan Sharma. Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, People's Publishing House (PPH), 2nd Revised Edition, September, 1999, Delhi. Translated into Bengali, Hindi, Kannada, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu. Two versions in Bengali.
- Puniyani, Ram. Communal Politics: Myths Versus Facts. Sage Publications Inc, 2003
- Bacchetta, Paola. "Sacred Space in Conflict in India: The Babri Masjid Affair." Growth & Change. Spring2000, Vol. 31, Issue 2.
- Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. 1996. Edited, translated and annotated by Wheeler M. Thacktson. New York and London: Oxford University Press.
- Ayodhya and the Future of India. 1993. Edited by Jitendra Bajaj. Madras: Centre for Policy Studies. ISBN 81-86041-02-8 hb ISBN 81-86041-03-6 pb
- Elst, Koenraad. 1991. Ayodhya and After: Issues Before Hindu Society. 1991. New Delhi: Voice of India. [1]
- Emmanuel, Dominic. 'The Mumbai bomb blasts and the Ayodhya tangle', National Catholic Reporter (Kansas City, August 27, 2003).
- Sita Ram Goel: Hindu Temples - What Happened to Them, Voice of India, Delhi 1991. [2] [3]
- Harsh Narain. 1993. The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources. Delhi: Penman Publishers.
- Hassner, Ron E., War on Sacred Grounds. 2009. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. [4]
- Romey, Kristin M., "Flashpoint Ayodhya." Archaeology Jul/Aug2004, Vol. 57, Issue 4.
- Romila Thapar. 'A Historical Perspective on the Story of Rama' in Thapar (2000).
- Ayodhya ka Itihas evam Puratattva — Rigveda kal se ab tak ('History and Archaeology of Ayodhya — From the Time of the Rigveda to the Present') by Thakur Prasad Varma and Swarajya Prakash Gupta. Bharatiya Itihasa evam Samskrit Parishad and DK Printworld. New Delhi.
- Ayodhya 6 December 1992 (ISBN 0-670-05858-0) by P. V. Narasimha Rao
[edit] External links
- Report of Liberhan Enquiry Commission on Demolition of Babri Masjid
- Advani charged with Ayodhya riots - BBC News
- Mumbai riots of 1992-93: Letting sleeping dogs lie
- Holy work destroys peace in India - Time Magazine
- The wrath of Rama - Time Magazine
- 'Timeline: Ayodhya crisis', BBC News (October 17, 2003). Retrieved June 21, 2005
- 'Q&A: The Ayodhya dispute', BBC News (November 15, 2004). Retrieved June 21, 2005
- The Demolition Video,From Youtube
| ||||||||||||||
Hindutva
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Hindutva (Devanagari: हिन्दुत्व, "Hinduness", a word coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his 1923 pamphlet entitled Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? ) is the term used to describe movements advocating Hindu nationalism. Members of the movement are called Hindutvavādis.[citation needed]
In India, an umbrella organization called the Sangh Parivar champions the concept of Hindutva. The sangh comprises organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Bajrang Dal, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.
This ideology has existed since the early 20th century, forged by Veer Savarkar, but came to prominence in Indian politics in the late 1980s, when two events attracted a large number of mainstream Hindus to the movement. The first of these events was the Rajiv Gandhi government's use of its large Parliamentary Majority to overturn a Supreme Court verdict granting alimony to an old woman that had angered many Muslims (see the Shah Bano case). The second was the dispute over the 16th century Mughal Babri Mosque in Ayodhya — built by Babur after his first major victory in India. The Supreme Court of India refused to take up the case in the early 1990s, leading to a huge outcry. Tempers soon flared, and a huge number of nationalist Hindus from all parts of India razed the mosque in late 1992, causing nationwide communal riots. The razing of the mosque and subsequent conflict arguably lifted the BJP and Hindutva to international prominence.
Contents[hide]
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Definition
According to Savarkar, Hindutva is meant to denote the Hindu characteristic, or Hinduness.[1]
In a judgment the Supreme Court of India ruled that "no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms 'Hindu', 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage." The Court also ruled that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind."[2]
Central concepts
Integral humanism
It believes in an "integral" and "holistic" approach to create a harmonious society. It does not accept the Western political philosophies as a blueprint for the Indian society, because of their "preoccupation" with materialism[citation needed], and their overall over-looking of the social well-being of the individual. Both capitalism and socialism are seen as inadequate – stimulating as they do from greed, class antagonisms, exploitation and social anarchy.[3]
Cultural nationalism
According to this, the natives of India share a common culture, history and ancestry.
M S Golwalkar, one of the main proponents of Hindutva believed that India's diversity in terms of customs, traditions and ways of worship was its uniqueness and that this diversity was not without the strong underlying cultural basis which was essentially native. He believed that the Hindu natives with all their diversity, shared among other things "the same philosophy of life", "the same values" and "the same aspirations" which formed a strong cultural and a civilizational basis for a nation.[4]
Savarkar similarly believed that the Indian subcontinent (which includes the area south of the Himalaya and the Hindu Kush or Akhand Bharat (undivided India, अखण्ड भारत) is the homeland of the Hindus. He considered "Hindus" as those who consider India (Bharat, भारत) to be their motherland (matrubhumi), fatherland (pitrubhumi, पितृभूमि) as well as their holy land (punyabhumi, पुण्यभूमि), hence describing it purely in cultural terms.[1].
RSS, one of the main votaries of Hindutva has stated that it believes in a cultural connotation of the term Hindu. "The term Hindu in the conviction as well as in the constitution of the RSS is a cultural and civilizational concept and not a political or religious dogma. The term as a cultural concept will include and did always include all including Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The cultural nationality of India, in the conviction of the RSS, is Hindu and it was inclusive of all who are born and who have adopted Bharat as their Motherland, including Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The answering association submit that it is not just a matter of RSS conviction, but a fact borne out by history that the Muslims, Christians and Parsis too are Hindus by culture although as religions they are not so."[5]
Decolonization
Emphasizing historical oppression of Hindus by colonial invaders like the Muslims (see Muslim conquest of the Indian subcontinent) and the Christians (see Goa Inquisition) and the call to "reverse" the cultural influence resulting from these intrusions[4].
Social justice
The acceptance that Hindu social structure "is ridden with castes and communities", and that this has led to "barriers and segregation" and condemnation of "obnoxious vice of social inequality" and "untouchability".[6] The supporters of Hindutva have a positive outlook towards the Dalit community, which they aim to bring to leadership positions in their organizations.[7]
Uniform Civil Code
Leaders subscribing to Hindutva have been known for their demands for a Uniform Civil Code for all the citizens of India. They believe that differential laws based on religion violate Article 44 of the Indian Constitution and have sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different religious communities[8].
The advocates of Hindutva often use the term pseudo-secularism to refer to policies which they believe are unduly favorable towards the Muslims and Christians. They oppose what they see as a 'separate-but-equal' system; some supporters of Hindutva see it as the Indian National Congress party's effort to woo the sizable minority vote bank at the expense of true equality[9]. The subject of a Uniform Civil Code, which would remove special religion-based provisions for different religions (Hindus, Muslims, Christians, etc.) from the Indian Constitution, is thus one of the main agendas of Hindutva organizations[10]. The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by Muslims[11] and political parties like the Indian National Congress and The Communist Party of India (Marxist)[12]
Followers of Hindutva have questioned differential religious laws in India which allows polygamy and triple talaq among Muslims and thereby compromises on the status of Muslim women and "marginalizes" them[13].
The passing of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 by Rajiv Gandhi government to dilute the secular judgment of Supreme Court under pressure from the conservative Muslims was opposed by Hindutva organisations. The new act, in tune with the Shariat, denied even utterly destitute Muslim divorcees the right to alimony from their former husbands.[14]
Protection of Hindu interests
The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive with regard to the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus[15][16] by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir.[17]
They have called for the protection of native Hindu traditions,[18] holy structures, rivers[19] and the cow (which is considered holy by Hindus).
Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the Hindu society which is plagued by casteism, regionalism, and passive religion.
Views on other faiths
The votaries of Hindutva believe that the way Muslims and Hindus have treated each other in the past is a one-way compromise and they intend on making society more balanced and fair towards the majority Hindu population.[20] The BJP has also invited Muslims to be a part of this new society and work with the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs for a better India.[21] Even more militant parties such as the Shiv Sena have invited Muslims to join and the party leader declared after the Babri Mosque incident,
"We must look after the Muslims and treat them as part of us."[22]
Hindutva groups are supportive of the Jewish State of Israel, including Savarkar himself, who supported Israel during its formation.[23] The RSS is politically pro-Israel and actively praised the efforts of Ariel Sharon when he visited India.[24][25] RSS spokesperson Ram Madhav recently expressed support for Israel.[26]
Views on Indian history
The Hindu organisations like the RSS believe that the history of India was written by the British with a condescending attitude towards the native people and their culture. M S Golwalkar writes that the history of ancient India was summed up as "Tanglewood Tales". Similar concerns were raised by Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore in his essay, "The History of Bharatvarsha", in 1903. He calls the history books "nightmarish account of India". He writes "while the lands of the aliens existed, there also existed the indigenous country" meaning the latter was grossly being neglected. He adds that the British accounts of Indian history "throw a beam of artificial light on such a spot that in our own eyes the very profile of our country is made dark".[27]
M S Golwalkar argues that it was a delibrate Imperialist strategy to teach Indians a wrong version of history.[4] In this context, writings of Lord Macaulay,"the brain behind the system of English education", are referred to as an indication of this.[4]
Lord Macaulay had stated "We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and millions whom we govern-a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect." [28]
He had also written "No Hindu who has received an English education ever remains sincerely attached to his religion. It is my firm belief that if our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single idolater among the respected classes 30 years hence." [29]
Senior RSS leader H V Sheshadri refers to this attitude of "White man's burden" which he believes shaped the English education system in India and British version of Indian history.[30]
The RSS is opposed to the theory of Indo-Aryan migration to India, a number believing in the alternative Out of India theory. While largely uncontroversial in academia, the "Aryan Invasion theory" debate in India, involving e.g. Sita Ram Goel, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and Arun Shourie, is also a matter of politics.[citation needed]
Organizations
Hindutva is commonly identified as the guiding ideology of the Sangh Parivar, a family of Hindu Nationalist organizations, and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in particular. In general, Hindutvavaadis (followers of Hindutva) believe that they represent the well-being of Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Ayyavazhi, Jainism and all other religions prominent in India.
Most nationalists are organized into political, cultural and social organizations. The first Hindutva organisation formed was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925. A prominent Indian political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad. Other organisations include:
- Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh - Overseas branch of the RSS
- Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Worker's Union
- Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad - A Student's Union
- Bharatiya Kisan Sangh - A Farmers' organisation
The major political wing is the BJP which was in power in India's Central Government for six years from 1998 to 2004 and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and Uttaranchal. It is an alliance partner in the states of Orissa, Punjab, and Bihar.
Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the Sangh Parivar. Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful Goradia's Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh[31] and Uma Bharti's Bharatiya Janshakti Party.[32] The influence of these groups is relatively limited.
The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the Shiv Sena, converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of Maharashtra. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Similar is the Shiromani Akali Dal, which is a Sikh religious party but maintains ties with Hindutva organizations, as they also represent Sikhism.[33]
Criticism and support
The opponents of Hindutva philosophy consider Hindutva ideology as a euphemistic effort to conceal communal beliefs and practices.[citation needed]
Many Indian Marxist sociologues have described the Hindutva movement as fascist in classical sense, in its ideology and class support specially targeting the concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony.[34] The Hindutva movement on the other hand terms such description as coming from the far left.[35][36] More moderate critics of Hindutva do not base their criticism on allegations of "fascism", but raise issues with regards to their sometimes-vacillating attitudes towards non-Hindus and secularism. The epithet of "fascism" is also used to evoke double standards against Hindus in political and academic discourse. The academia and polity have been accused of engaging in a form of anti-Hindu McCarthyism against Hindu political expression by leveling the accusation of "fascism" against anyone who expresses sympathy for Hindus.[37]
Marxist critics,[38] have used the political epithets of "Indian fascism" and "Hindu fascism" to describe the ideology of the Sangh Parivar. For example, Marxist social scientist Prabhat Patnaik has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically fascist in class support, methods and programme"[39]
Patniak bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogenous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity.[citation needed]
Views on Hindutva and fascism include those of the Christian convert to the RSS viewpoint, Anthony Elenjimittan, who based his views on RSS's symbolism of the Bhagva (the banner of lord Shiva), Dharma Chakra [the Wheel of Faith] and Satyameva Jayate [Truth alone triumphs] (one must note that these symbols are normative in Hinduism and bear no relation to Hindutva and the latter is the national motto of a secular democratic India).[citation needed]
The description of Hindutva as fascist has been condemned by pro-Hindutva authors such as Koenraad Elst who claim that the ideology of Hindutva meets none of the characteristics of fascist ideologies. Claims that Hindutva social service organisations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are "fascist" have been disputed by academics such as Vincent Kundukulam.[40]
Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its "distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSS's disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society". They instead describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "ethnic absolutism".[41].
Nobel Laureate V.S. Naipaul also rejects these allegations and views the rise of Hindutva as a welcome, broader civilizational resurgence of India.[42]
See also
References
- ^ a b Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar: Hindutva, Bharati Sahitya Sadan, Delhi 1989 (1923)
- ^ Supreme Court on Hindu Hindutva and Hinduism
- ^ Upadhaya Deendayal, Integral Humanism
- ^ a b c d M S Golwalkar (1966), Bunch of thoughts, Publishers: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana
- ^ Quoting RSS General Secretary's reply to the Tribunal constituted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 to hear the case on the RSS, Organiser, June 6, 1993
- ^ M. G. Chitkara 2004, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Published by APH Publishing, ISBN 81-7648-465-2, 9788176484657 (Quoting Late RSS leader Balasaheb Deoras "If untouchability is not a sin, nothing is a sin").
- ^ Organize under Dalit leadership: RSS
- ^ BJP leader, Rajnath Singh demanding Uniform Civil Code
- ^ [1]
- ^ Uniform Civil Code, Article 370 back on BJP Agenda http://www.financialexpress.com/news/Uniform-civil-code-Article-370-back-on-BJP-agenda/317218/
- ^ http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=23591
- ^ Uniform civil code will divide the country on communal lines: Congress
- ^ http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=239&page=36
- ^ Shah Bano Case
- ^ See refs in Kashmiri Pandit
- ^ see refs in Wandhama massacre
- ^ Indian Summer looks set to become a long autumn by Robert Jenkins
- ^ Speech by RSS leader K S Sudarshan,Oct 18 2008
- ^ 'Save Ganga' Campaign by RSS, BJP
- ^ BJP Official Website See philosophy
- ^ Bharatiya Janata Party Official Website Hindutva: The Great Nationalistic Ideology
- ^ The Rediff Election Interview/Bal Thackeray,Rediff.com
- ^ Hindu-Zion
- ^ The Hindu
- ^ Rediff
- ^ Press spotlight on Sharon's India visit,BBC
- ^ Rabindranath Tagore, The History of Bharatavarsha, Bhadra 1309 Bengal Era (August 1903)
- ^ George Anderson, Manilal Bhagwandes Sudebar, The Last Days of the Company: A Source Book of Indian History, 1818-1858, Published by G. Bell, 1921
- ^ Benedict Richard O'Gorman Anderson, Imagined Communities:Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Edition: 2, revised Published by Verso, 1991, ISBN 0-86091-546-8, 9780860915461
- ^ Sheshadri H V, Tragic story of Partition, Publisher: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana
- ^ Jana Sangh promises to make India Hindu nation
- ^ Uma launches new party
- ^ SAD-BJP Alliance helped bridge Hindu Sikh gap Indian Express
- ^ Fascism of our times Prabhat Patnaik
- ^ eg. Partha Banergee
- ^ - Rajesh Tembarai Krishnamachari, South Asia Analysis Group
- ^ Puzzling Dimensions and Theoretical Knots in my Graduate School Research, Yvette Rosser
- ^ eg. Partha Banergee, Romila Thapar, Himani Bannerji, Prabhat Patnaik
- ^ "The Fascism of Our Times" Social Scientist VOl 21 No.3-4, 1993, p.69 [2]
- ^ Christian Post,archive link
- ^ Ethnic and Racial Studies Volume 23 Number 3 May 2000 pp. 407–441 ISSN 0141–9870 print/ISSN 1466–4356 online
- ^ Naipaul V.S. India, a million Mutinies now, Penguin 1992
Further reading
- Andersen, Walter K., 'Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face', In The New Politics of the Right: Neo–Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans–Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 219–232. (ISBN 0-312-21134-1 or ISBN 0-312-21338-7)
- Banerjee, Partha, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998). (ISBN 81-202-0504-2) (ISBN not available)
- Bhatt Chetan, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers (2001), ISBN 1-85973-348-4.
- Elst, Koenraad: The Saffron Swastika. The Notion of "Hindu Fascism". New Delhi: Voice of India, 2001, 2 Vols., ISBN 81-85990-69-7 [3], [4]
- Elst, Koenraad: Decolonizing the Hindu Mind. Ideological Development of Hindu Revivalism. Rupa, Delhi 2001.
- Embree, Ainslie T. , 'The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation', in Accounting for Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism Project 4, ed. Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 617–652. (ISBN 0-226-50885-4)
- Goel, Sita Ram: Perversion of India's Political Parlance. Voice of India, Delhi 1984. [5]
- Goel, Sita Ram (editor): Time for Stock Taking. Whither Sangh Parivar? 1996.
- Gold, Daniel, 'Organized Hinduisms: From Vedic Truths to Hindu Nation' in: Fundamentalisms Observed The Fundamentalism Project vol. 4, eds. M. E. Marty, R. S. Appleby, University Of Chicago Press (1994), ISBN 978-0-226-50878-8, pp. 531–593.
- Nanda, Meera, The God Market. How Globalization is Making India more Hindu, Noida, Random House India. 2009. ISBN 978-81-8400-095-5
- Ruthven, Malise, Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, USA (2007), ISBN 978-0-19-921270-5.
- Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar: Hindutva Bharati Sahitya Sadan, Delhi 1989 (1923).
- Sharma, Jyotirmaya, Hindutva: Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism, Penguin Global (2004), ISBN 0-670-04990-5.
- Shourie, Arun: A Secular Agenda. HarperCollins ISBN 81-7223-258-6
- Smith, David James, Hinduism and Modernity, Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0-631-20862-3
- Webb, Adam Kempton, Beyond the global culture war: Global horizons, CRC Press (2006), ISBN 978-0415953138.
External links
- Veer Savarkar Website
- Article by Koenraad Elst on allegations of "Hindu fascism", More articles on "Hindu fascism"
- Hindu Holocaust Museum
- Article on Hindutva by Ashok Chowgule
- "Hindutva" by VD Savarkar at Hindus Arise.com
- Report of Human Rights Watch, referring to the role of Hindutva organisations in the Gujarat Riots 2002
- The Myth of the Hindu Right
- Anti-Hindu Bias of Mainstream Media
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